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[3] 2024 07 – 18: 교통 혼잡 감소를 위한 유연 근무제 도입 안내

 Dear Staff,

 직원 여러분에게,

 My name is Laura Miller, the Human Resources Manager.

  이름은 인사 관리자 Laura Miller입니다.

 As part of our efforts to reduce traffic on newly built area roadways, we are starting to offer flextime working hours to eligible employees.

 새로 건설된 지역 도로의 교통량을 줄이기 위한 우리의 노력의 일부로, 우리는 자격이 있는 직원들에게 유연 근무 시간 제공을 시작할 것입니다.

 Under the plan, staffers could begin work 60 to 90 minutes before or after ordinary business hours, adjusting their scheduled departure time accordingly.

  계획 하에, 직원들은 통상 근무 시간의 60분에서 90 전후에 일을 시작하여 그에 따라 예정된 출발 시간을 조정할  있습니다.

 All requests for flextime must be submitted to departmental supervisors and will be approved if they do not conflict with the staffing needs of the company.

 모든 유연 근무 요청은 부서의 관리자에게 제출되어야 하고 회사의 인력 수요와 상충되지 않는다면, 승인될 것입니다.

 In addition, flextime schedules will be reviewed every four months to assure that they do not adversely affect company goals.

 또한, 유연 근무 일정은 회사 목표에 불리하게 영향을 미치지 않는 것을 확실히 하기 위해 4개월마다 검토될 것입니다.

 Best regards, Laura Miller

 Laura Miller 드림

 

[3] 2024 07 – 19: 열심히 준비한 발표가 무산된  직업에 대한 실망

 Joshua had spent ten weeks crafting a presentation for an upcoming meeting.

 Joshua  있을 회의를 위한 발표 자료를 만들며 10주를 보냈다.

 He had worked very hard on analyzing data, making beautiful plots and projections, and he had often stayed in the office past midnight polishing his presentation.

 그는 데이터를 분석하고 훌륭한 도표와 전망을 작성하는 것을 열심히 했고, 그는 종종 사무실에서 발표 자료를 다듬으며 자정이 넘도록 머물렀다.

 He was delighted with the outcome and happily e-mailed the presentation to his boss, who was going to make the presentation at the all-important meeting.

 그는  결과물에 기뻐했고 행복해하며  발표 자료를 자신의 상사에게 이메일로 보냈고, 상사는 가장 중요한 회의에서 발표할 예정이었다.

 His boss e-mailed him back a few hours later:

  시간  그의 상사는 그에게 이메일로 답장을 보냈다:

 Sorry, Joshua, but just yesterday we learned that the deal is off. 

 Joshua, 미안하네만  어제 우리는  거래가 취소되었다는 것을 알게 되었네.

 I did look at your presentation, and it is an impressive and fine piece of work. Well done."

 내가 자네의 발표 자료를 살펴보았는데, 그것은 인상적이고 우수한 작품이더군. 수고했네."

 Joshua realized that his presentation would never see the light of day.

 Joshua 그의 발표 자료가 세상에 나오지 못하리라는 것을 깨달았다.

 The fact that all his effort had served no ultimate purpose created a deep rift between him and his job.

 그의 모든 노력이 궁극적인 목적을 달성하지 못했다는 사실은 그와 그의  사이에 깊은 틈을 만들었다.

 He'd quickly gone from feeling useful and happy in his work to feeling dissatisfied and that his efforts were in vain.

 그는 자신의 일에 있어서 유능하고 행복하다는 느낌으로부터 불만족스럽고 자신의 노력이 헛되었다는 느낌으로 빠르게 이동했다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 20: 성공적인 소설가가 되기 위해서는 지속적으로 책을 출판해야 한다는 조언

 Walk into a bookstore and you'll see some authors have a whole shelf.

 서점으로 걸어 들어가면 당신은 몇몇 작가들이 선반 전체를 차지하고 있는 것을  것이다.

 Authors with just one book are hard to find and it's the same for digital shelf-space.

 단지  권의 책만 가지고 있는 작가들은 찾기 어렵고 이것은 디지털 선반 공간에서도 마찬가지이다.

 Look at the most loved and top-selling authors and they all have a lot of books.

 가장 사랑받고 가장 책이  팔린 작가들을 보면 그들은 모두 많은 책을 가지고 있다.

 One book is not enough to build a career as a fiction author if that is a goal of yours.

 소설 작가로서 경력을 쌓는 것이 당신의 목적이라면,   권은 그러기에 충분하지 않다.

 So, don't obsess over that one book, consider it just the beginning, and get writing on the next one.

 그러므로,    권에 사로잡히지 말고, 그것을 단지 시작이라고 여기고, 다음 책을 쓰기 시작하라.

 Of course, first-time authors don't want to hear this!

 물론, 처음  작가는 이것을 듣기를 원하지 않는다!

 I certainly didn't when I put my first book out.

 나는 분명히 내가 처음 책을 내놓았을  듣고 싶지 않았다.

 I've tried every single marketing tool possible and I still continue to experiment with new forms.

 나는 가능한  모든 각각의 마케팅 수단을 시도해 왔고, 여전히 새로운 형태를 계속해서 실험한다.

 But after 27 books, writing more books is what I personally keep coming back to as the best marketing tool and the best way to increase my income as a writer.

 그러나 27권의  이후,  많은 책을 쓰는 것이 최고의 마케팅 수단으로서 내가 스스로 계속 되돌아가는 것이자 작가로서 나의 수입을 증가시키는 가장 좋은 방법이다.

 Because every time a new book comes out, more readers discover the backlist.

 왜냐하면 새로운 책이 나올 때마다,  많은 독자들이 이전에 출간된 도서 목록을 발견하기 때문이다.

 You also have another chance to 'break out'.

 당신은 또한 '인기 작가가 '  다른 기회를 가진다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 21: 즉흥 연기에서의 소통 기술이 일상 대화에 적용되는 방법

 In improv, the actors have no control of the conversation or the direction it takes.

 즉흥 연극에서, 배우들은 대화나 대화의 방향을 통제할  없다.

 They can only react to the other actors' words or nonverbal communication.

 그들은 다른 배우들의 말이나 비언어적 의사소통에 반응할  있을 뿐이다.

 Because of this, the actors become experts at reading body language and reading between the lines of what is said.

  때문에, 배우들은 몸짓 언어를 읽고 발화의 행간을 읽는  전문가가 된다.

 If they are unable to do this, they are left in the dark and the performance crumbles.

 만약 그들이 이것을   없다면, 그들은 알지 못하는 상태에 있게 되며 공연은 무너진다.

 This applies to our daily conversations, but we're usually too self-centered to notice.

 이것은 우리의 일상적인 대화에도 적용되지만, 우리는 대개 너무 자기 중심적이어서 알아챌  없다.

 Just like the improv actors become adept at picking up on the breadcrumbs of the conversation, we need to do the same.

 즉흥 연극 배우들이 대화의  부스러기를 알아차리는  능숙해지는 것처럼, 우리는 똑같이  필요가 있다.

 When people want to talk about something specific, rarely will they come out and just say it.

 사람들이 구체적인 무언가에 대해 말하기를 원할 , 그들은 좀처럼 나서서 그것을 말하지 않을 것이다.

 99 percent of people won't say, "Hey, let's talk about my dog now. So...."

 99퍼센트의 사람들은 "이봐, 지금  강아지에 대해 말해보자. 그러니...."라고 말하지 않을 것이다.

 Instead, they will hint at it.

 대신에, 그들은 그것을 암시할 것이다.

 When they bring up a topic unprompted, or ask questions about it, they want to talk about it.

 그들이 남이 시키지 않은 상태에서 화제를 제시하거나 그것에 관해 질문할 , 그들은 그것에 대해 말하기를 원하는 것이다.

 Sometimes, when the other person seems to not pick up on these signals, they will keep redirecting the conversation to that specific topic.

 때때로, 상대방이  신호를 알아차리는 것처럼 보이지 않을 , 그들은 계속해서 대화를  특정 주제로 다시 돌릴 것이다.

 If they seem excited whenever the topic comes up, they want to talk about it.

 만약 그들이  화제가 나타날 때마다 신나 보인다면, 그들은 그것에 대해 말하기를 원하는 것이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 22: 과학적 접근이 결여된 경영 의사결정의 문제점

 The relevance of science in understanding organizational behavior can start with asking this question:

 조직 행동을 이해하는  과학의 연관성은  질문을 묻는 것으로 시작할  있다.

 Why do good managers make bad decisions?

  좋은 관리자가 나쁜 결정을 내리는가?

 Too often managers make mistakes when it comes to fostering conditions that inspire positive outcomes in the workplace, such as performance, satisfaction, team cohesion, and ethical behavior.

 관리자들은 직장에서 성과, 만족, 조직 응집력, 그리고 윤리적 행동과 같은 긍정적인 결과를 일으키게 하는 조건을 조성하는  있어 너무 자주 실수한다.

 Why does this happen?

  이런 일이 발생하는가?

 Part of the reason is that rather than relying on a clearly validated set of scientific discoveries, managers use less reliable sources of insight such as gut feel, intuition, the latest trend, what a highly paid consultant might say, or what is being done in another company.

 이유  일부는 관리자가 정당성이 분명히 입증된 일련의 과학적 발견에 의존하기보다는 직감, 직관, 최신 경향, 고액을 받는 컨설턴트가 말할 수도 있는 , 또는 다른 회사에서 일어나는 것과 같은 신뢰할 만한 통찰력의 원천을 사용한다는 것이다.

 Like most of us, managers tend to rely on their own strengths and experiences when making choices about how to get the best from others.

 대부분의 우리처럼 관리자들은 다른 사람들로부터 가장 좋은 것을 얻어 내는 방법을 선택할  자기 자신의 장점과 경험에 의존하는 경향이 있다.

 But what works for one manager may not work for another.

 그러나  명의 관리자에게 효과가 있는 것이 다른 관리자에게는 효과가 없을지도 모른다.

 In the absence of a scientific approach, managers tend to make mistakes, offer ill-conceived incentives, misinterpret employee behavior, and fail to account for the many possible explanations for why employees might perform poorly.

 과학적 접근법이 부재하면, 관리자들은 실수하고, 잘못 생각해  유인책을 제공하고, 직원들의 행동을 잘못 이해하고,  직원들이 형편없이 일하는지에 대한 많은 가능한 설명을 하는  실패한다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 23: 고령화 문제와 자연재해 대응의 차이점

 Natural disasters and aging are two problems that societies have been dealing with for all of human history.

 자연재해와 노화는  인류 역사에 걸쳐 사회가 다뤄온  문제이다.

 Governments must respond to both, but their dynamics are entirely different and this has profound consequences for the nature of the response.

 정부는  가지 모두에 반응해야 하지만, 그것들의 역학은 완전히 다르고 이것은 반응의 본질에 깊은 영향력을 가진다.

 Simply by plotting the aging slope, policy makers go a long way toward understanding the problem:

 단순히 노화 기울기를 그림으로써, 정책 결정자들은 문제를 이해하는  진척을 보인다.

 People get older at a constant and reliable rate.

 사람들은 일정하고 신뢰할 만한 속도로 나이 들어간다.

 There can be disagreements over how to solve the aging problem (this is political complexity), but the nature of the problem is never in dispute.

 노화 문제를 해결하는 방법에 대한 이견들이 있을  있으나, (이것은 정치적 복잡성이다) 문제의 본질은 절대로 논쟁의 여지가 없다.

 Plotting the number of people killed in natural disasters does very little to advance understanding of this problem other than emphasizing the randomness of natural disasters.

 자연재해로 사망한 사람들의 숫자를 그려 보는 것은 자연재해의 무작위성을 강조하는  외에는  문제에 대한 이해를 거의 진척시키지 않는다.

 Preparing a policy response is, therefore, much easier in some areas than in others.

 그러므로 정책 반응을 준비하는 것은 다른 영역보다 일부 영역에서 훨씬  쉽다.

 When inputs are reliable and easy to predict, it greatly facilitates information processing and allows for anticipatory problem-solving.

 입력 정보가 신뢰할 만하고 예측하기 쉬울 , 그것은 정보 처리를 크게 용이하게 하고 예측적 문제 해결을 가능하게 한다.

 When problems are causally complex and multivariate, determining the appropriate response is a reactionary endeavor.

 문제가 인과적으로 복잡하고 변수가 많을 , 적절한 반응을 결정하는 것은 반응적 노력이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 24: 연구에서의 '피해 기반 접근' 문제점과 대안 제시

 A scholar Eve Tuck urges researchers to move away from what she calls "damage-based research," or "research that operates, even benevolently, from a theory of change that establishes harm or injury in order to achieve reparation."

 학자 Eve Tuck 연구자들에게 그녀가 "피해 기반 연구", 또는 "선의일지라도 보상을 얻기 위하여 손상이나 피해를 정하는 변화의 이론으로부터 작동하는 연구"라고 부르는 것으로부터 멀어질 것을촉구한다.

 Citing studies in education that sought to increase resources for marginalized youths by documenting the "illiteracies" of indigenous youths and youths of color, Tuck explains that damage-based research is a popular mechanism by which "pain and loss are documented in order to obtain particular political or material gains."

 토착 청년들과 유색 청년들의 "문맹" 기록함으로써 소외된 청년들을 위한 자원을 증가시키려고 노력한 교육에서의 연구를 인용하면서, Tuck 피해 기반 연구가 "특정 정치적 또는 물질적 이득을얻기 위하여 고통과 손실이 기록되는" 인기있는 메커니즘이라고 설명한다.

 While damage-based studies have proven successful in attaining political or material gains in the form of funding, attention, and increased awareness related to the struggles of marginalized communities, Tuck points researchers to the ongoing violence damage-based research inflicts on marginalized communities, even under benevolent or perceivably beneficial circumstances.

 피해 기반 연구가 자금 조성, 주의, 그리고 소외된 공동체의 고군분투에 관한 증가된 인식의 형태로 정치적 또는 물질적 이득을 얻는  있어 성공적으로 입증되어 왔지만, Tuck 연구자들에게 피해기반 연구가 심지어 선의로운 또는 뚜렷이 이득이 되는 상황에서조차 소외된 공동체에 가하는 지속적인 폭력을 지적한다.

 Among the many issues associated with damage-based research are the underlying assumptions this type of work makes and sustains about marginalized people; namely, that marginalized communities lack communication, civility, intellect, desires, assets, innovation, and ethics.

 피해 기반 연구와 관련된 많은 문제 중에 이러한 유형의 연구가 소외된 사람들에 대해 만들어 내고 지속시키는 저변의 전제들이 있다. , 소외된 공동체는 의사소통, 시민성, 지적 능력, 욕구, 자산, 혁신, 그리고 윤리 의식이 결핍되어 있다는 것이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 25: 유제품과 식물성 우유의 환경적 영향 비교

 The above graph shows the environmental footprints in terms of greenhouse gas emissions (measured per kilogram) and freshwater use (measured per liter) of dairy and the four plant-based milks in 2018.

  그래프는 2018 낙농 우유와 4가지의 식물성 우유의 (킬로그램당 측정된) 온실가스 배출과 (리터당 측정된) 담수 사용 면에서 환경 발자국을 보여 준다.

 Dairy milk had the largest environmental footprint of both greenhouse gas emissions and freshwater use.

 낙농 우유는 온실가스 배출과 담수 사용 모두에서 가장  환경 발자국을 남겼다.

 Rice milk used more than ten times the amount of fresh water that soy milk did.

  milk  milk 사용한 담수량의  배보다  많이 사용했다.

 Oat milk ranked fourth in both environmental footprint categories.

 귀리 milk 환경 발자국의  범주에서 4위를 차지했다.

 In the category of greenhouse gas emissions, the gap between soy milk and oat milk was less than the gap between oat milk and almond milk.

 온실가스 배출 영역에서,  milk 귀리 milk 간의 차이는 귀리 milk 아몬드 milk 간의 차이보다  적었다.

 Among plant-based milks, almond milk consumed the largest amount of freshwater, yet emitted the least amount of greenhouse gas.

 식물성 우유들 중에서, 아몬드 milk 가장 많은 양의 담수를 소비했지만, 가장 적은 양의 온실가스를 배출했다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 26: 노벨 생리의학상 수상자 John Carew Eccles 생애

 John Carew Eccles was born on 27 January 1903 in Melbourne, Australia.

 John Carew Eccles Australia Melbourne에서 1903 1 27일에 태어났다.

 Both his parents were school teachers, who home-schooled him until he was 12.

 부모님 모두 학교 선생님이었고 그를 12세까지 홈스쿨링 시켰다.

 In 1915, Eccles began his secondary schooling and after four years, prior to entering the University of Melbourne, he studied science and mathematics for another year at Melbourne High School.

 1915년에 Eccles 중등교육을 시작했고 4 뒤에, University of Melbourne 입학하기 전에, 과학과 수학을 Melbourne High School에서    공부했다.

 He completed his medical course in February 1925, and left Melbourne for Oxford the same year.

 그는 의학 과정을 1925 2월에 끝마쳤고, 같은 해에 Melbourne에서 Oxford 갔다.

 From 1928 to 1931 he was a research assistant to Sir Charles Sherrington, and published eight papers conjointly.

 1928년부터 1931년까지 그는 Sir Charles Sherrington 연구 조교였고, 공동으로 출판된 8개의 논문이 있었다.

 Returning to Australia with his family in 1937, he gave lectures to third-year medical students at the University of Sydney from 1938 to 1940.

 그의 가족들과 1937년에 Australia 돌아와서, 그는 University of Sydney에서 의대 3학년 학생들에게 1938년부터 1940년까지 강의를 했다.

 Eccles was the co-winner of the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine along with A.L. Hodgkin and A.F. Huxley in 1963.

 Eccles 1963년에 A.L. Hodgkin, A.F. Huxley 함께 노벨 생리.의학상의 공동 수상자였다.

 In 1975, he voluntarily retired and moved to Switzerland to dedicate himself to work on the mind-brain problem.

 1975년에 그는 자발적으로 은퇴했고 Switzerland 이주해서 정신과 두뇌의 문제에 관한 연구에 전념했다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 29: 잠재력 평가  초기 능력보다는 성장 가능성에 집중해야 한다는 주장

 When we assess potential, we make the cardinal error of focusing on starting points - the abilities that are immediately visible.

 우리가 잠재력을 평가할 , 우리는 출발점,  즉각적으로 눈에 보이는 능력에 집중하는 아주 중요한 실수를 한다.

 In a world obsessed with innate talent, we assume the people with the most promise are the ones who stand out right away.

 내재된 능력에 집착하는 세상에서, 우리는 가장 기대되는 사람들은 즉시 눈에 띄는 사람들이라고 가정한다.

 But high achievers vary dramatically in their initial aptitudes.

 그러나 높은 성취를 하는 사람들은 초기 자질에 있어서 크게 다르다.

 If we judge people only by what they can do on day one, their potential remains hidden.

 우리가 사람들이 첫날에   있는 것으로만 그들을 판단한다면 그들의 잠재력은 숨겨진 채로 남는다.

 You can't tell where people will land from where they begin.

 당신은 사람들이 어디에서 시작하는가로부터는 어디에 도착할지   없다.

 With the right opportunity and motivation to learn, anyone can build the skills to achieve greater things.

 학습할  있는 적절한 기회와 동기가 있다면, 누구라도   것을 성취할 기술을 쌓을  있다.

 Potential is not a matter of where you start, but of how far you travel.

 잠재력은 당신이 어디에서 출발하는지에 대한 문제가 아니라, 얼마나 멀리 나아가는지에 대한 문제이다.

 We need to focus less on starting points and more on distance traveled.

 우리는 출발점에  집중하고 나아간 거리에  많이 집중해야 한다.

 For every Mozart who makes a big splash early, there are multiple Bachs who ascend slowly and bloom late.

 초기에  성공을 거두는 각각의 Mozart 대하여, 천천히 올라가고 늦게 꽃을 피우는 다수의 Bach 있다.

 They're not born with invisible superpowers; most of their gifts are homegrown or homemade.

 그들은 보이지 않는 초능력을 갖고 태어나지 않는다. 그들의 재능 대부분은 집에서 길러지거나 만들어진 것이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 30: 미래의 나와의 심리적 연결이 의사결정에 미치는 영향

 The outcomes of want-should conflicts are affected not only by what we think our future self will choose but also by how close we feel to our future self.

 Want-should 갈등의 결과는 우리의 미래 자아가 선택할 것이라고 생각하는 것뿐만 아니라 우리가 미래 자아에 얼마나 가깝게 느끼는지에 의해 영향을 받는다.

 Want-should conflicts fundamentally involve tradeoffs between options that satisfy the present self's desires (wants) and options that benefit the future self (shoulds).

 Want-should 갈등은 근본적으로 현재 자아의 욕구를 충족시키는 선택(wants) 미래 자아에 이익을 주는 선택(shoulds) 사이의 거래와 관련된다.

 As a result, when we do not feel psychologically connected to our future self, we should be less interested in taking actions to benefit this self and thus shy away from should options.

  결과, 우리가 미래 자아와 심리적으로 연결되어 있다고 느끼지 않을 , 우리는  자아에 이익이 되는 행동을 하는 것에  관심을 가질 것이며, 따라서 should 선택을 피할 것이다.

 Indeed, an emerging stream of research suggests that people are more impatient the more disconnected they feel from their future self.

 실제로, 최근 생겨난 연구 흐름은 미래 자아로부터  단절감을 느낄수록 사람들이  참을성 없다는 것을 시사한다.

 For example, people prefer smaller-sooner rewards over larger-later rewards at a higher rate when they anticipate experiencing life-changing events (rather than events that are unlikely to change their identity and beliefs), since life-changing events induce a greater disassociation between their image of their present self and their image of their future self.

 예를 들어, 사람들은 (그들의 정체성과 신념을 바꾸지 않을  같은 사건보다는) 인생을 바꾸는 사건을 경험할 것을 예상할   높은 비율로  크고  늦은 보상보다  작고  이른 보상을 선호한다.  이유는 인생을 바꾸는 사건들이 그들의 현재 자아에 대한 모습과 미래 자아에 대한 모습 사이에   단절을 유도하기 때문이다.

 More generally, when people are told that their identity will change considerably over time, they are more likely to accept immediate benefits (wants) and forsake larger deferred benefits (shoulds).

  일반적으로, 사람들은 그들의 정체성이 시간이 지남에 따라 상당히 변할 것이라고 들었을 , 그들은 즉각적인 혜택(wants) 받아들이고   미뤄진 혜택(shoulds) 버릴 가능성이  높다.

 On the other hand, farsighted decision making can be facilitated by making people feel closer to their future self.

 반면에 멀리 내다보는 의사 결정은 사람들이 미래 자아와  가깝게 느끼도록 함으로써 촉진된다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 31: 동기 부여를 위한 환경 통제 방법

 Motivation doesn't have to be accidental.

 동기는 우연적일 필요는 없다.

 For example, you don't have to wait for hours until a certain song that picks up your spirits comes on the radio.

 예를 들면, 당신은 라디오에서 기분을 좋게 하는 특정한 노래가 나올 때까지  시간 동안 기다릴 필요는 없다.

 You can control what songs you hear.

 당신은 자신이 듣는 노래를 통제할  있다.

 If there are certain songs that always lift you up, make a mix of those songs and have it ready to play in your car.

 만약 항상 당신을 기분 좋게 만드는 특정한 노래가 있다면, 이런 노래들의 모음을 만들고 당신의 차에서 그것을  준비를 해라.

 Go through all of your music and create a "greatest motivational hits" playlist for yourself. Use the movies, too.

 당신의 모든 음악을 찾아보고 "최고의 동기부여 히트곡" 목록을 스스로 만들어라. 또한 영화도 이용해라.

 How many times do you leave a movie feeling inspired and ready to take on the world?

 당신은  번이나 감명받고 세상에 맞설 준비가  상태로 영화관을 나오는가?

 Whenever that happens, put the name of the movie in a special notebook that you might label "the right buttons."

 그런 일이 일어날 때마다, "적절한 버튼"이라고 이름 붙인 특별한 노트에  영화의 이름을 적어놓아라.

 Six months to a year later, you can watch the movie and get the same inspired feeling.

 6개월에서 1 후에, 당신은  영화를   있고 똑같이 감명받은 기분을 느낄  있다.

 Most movies that inspire us are even better the second time around.

 우리에게 감명을 주는 대부분의 영화는  번째에 훨씬  좋다.

 You have much more control over your environment than you realize.

 당신이 깨닫는 것보다 자신의 환경을  많이 통제할  있다.

 You can begin programming yourself consciously to be more and more focused and motivated.

 당신은 더욱더 집중하고 동기부여될  있도록 의식적으로 스스로를 프로그래밍하기 시작할  있다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 32: 청각적 결함이 시각적 결함보다   영향을 미친다는 주장

 We are less forgiving of technical sound mistakes than we are of visual ones.

 우리는 시각적인 것보다 음향에 관한 기술적인 실수를  용서한다.

 We notice and dislike breaks in audio, defects in audio, and static in audio.

 우리는 오디오의 끊김, 결함,  잡음을 알아차리고 싫어한다.

 A bit less so for things on the visual side.

 시각적인 면에 있는 것들에 대해서는 조금  그렇다.

 For example, if a video has some scan lines in it, within a short period, you will start to ignore them.

 예를 들어, 만약 일부 주사선(스캔 라인) 비디오에 있다면, 당신은 짧은 기간 내에 그것을 무시하기 시작할 것이다.

 If the visual signal streams in 1080 instead of 4k, eventually you'll get used to it.

 만약 시각적인 신호가 4k 아니라 1080으로 스트리밍된다면, 결국 당신은 그것에 익숙해질 것이다.

 However, if there is static in the audio, you will want to shut it off rather than endure the whole program.

 그러나, 만약 오디오에 잡음이 있다면, 당신은 전체 프로그램을 견디기보다 그것을 꺼버리고 싶을 것이다.

 Or if the audio continues to drop out, you also will barely be able to tolerate it.

 또는 오디오가 계속 중단된다면, 당신은 또한 그것을 참기 어려울 것이다.

 In fact, probably more than any other aspect of filmmaking, it is via the audio that people determine silently to themselves, "Good, professional quality" or "low-budget student production" as soon as the film begins.

 사실, 영화 제작의 다른 어떤 측면보다, 아마도 영화가 시작되자마자 사람들이 "훌륭하고 전문적인 품질" 또는 "저예산 학생 작품"이라고 조용히 결정하는 것은 오디오를 통해서이다.

 These reactions are not just from seasoned filmmakers and educators, but the instinctual, natural reaction of all audiences.

 이러한 반응은 숙련된 영화 제작자와 교육자들로부터만 오는 것이 아니라, 모든 관객들의 본능적이면서 자연스러운 반응이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 33: 순환 경제로의 전환 필요성과 그로 인한 사업 기회

 Businesses are realizing that the way they operate and the impact they have on the environment greatly impacts their ability to maintain customers.

 기업은 그들이 운영하는 방식과 그들이 환경에 미치는 영향이 고객을 유지하는 능력에  영향을 미친다는 것을 깨닫고 있다.

 Transitioning from a linear way of producing products to a circular one won't be necessary only from an environmental perspective, but from a social and economic perspective as well.

 제품을 생산하는 선형적인 방식에서 순환적인 것으로 이행하는 것은 환경적인 관점에서뿐만 아니라 사회적이고 경제적인 관점에서 또한 필요할 것이다.

 To minimize the negative impact on the environment, businesses will need to adjust the relationship they have with customers to maximize the value of the products they create.

 환경에 대한 부정적인 영향을 최소화하기 위해서, 기업은 그들이 만드는 제품의 가치를 극대화하기 위해 고객과의 관계를 조정할 필요가 있을 것이다.

 Rather than businesses viewing success as the number of products made per year, they will instead base their bottom line on the number of products kept in use per year.

 기업이 성공을 연간 생산되는 제품의 수라고 간주하기보다는, 그들의 손익을 연간 사용 상태로 유지되는 제품의 수에 기초시킬 것이다.

 Though waste certainly creates a demand for companies to continue selling new products, eliminating waste doesn't have to eliminate demand.

 비록 폐기물은 분명히 회사가 신제품을 계속 판매해야 하는 수요를 창출하지만, 폐기물을 제거하는 것이 수요를 제거하는 것일 필요는 없다.

 By prolonging the ownership of a product rather than selling it, new business opportunities emerge in the world of maintenance and repair.

 제품을 판매하는 것이 아니라 제품의 소유 상태를 연장시킴으로써, 유지  수리의 세계에서 새로운 사업상의 기회가 나타난다.

 Though eliminating waste minimizes the need for new products, it certainly increases the need to service existing products.

 비록 폐기물을 제거하는 것이 신제품에 대한 필요성을 최소화하지만, 그것은 기존 제품에 대한 서비스를 제공해야  필요성을 분명히 증가시킨다.

 The circular economy will demand that new business models focus on maintaining products rather than on making new products.

 순환 경제는 새로운 비즈니스 모델들이 신제품을 만드는 것보다 제품을 유지하는 것에 초점을 맞출 것을 요구할 것이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 34: 어미나무의 역할과 어린 나무 돌보기

 The term Mother Tree comes from forestry.

 어미나무(모수)라는 용어는 임업에서 유래한다.

 It has been clear for centuries that tree parents play such an important role in raising their offspring that they can be compared to human parents.

 부모인 나무가 그것의 자손을 기르는  매우 중요한 역할을 하기에 그것이 인간 부모에 비유될  있다는 것은  세기 동안 분명했다.

 A mother tree identifies which neighboring seedlings are hers using her roots.

 어미나무는 근처에 있는 어떤 묘목이 그것의 자손인지를 그것의 뿌리를 사용하여 식별한다.

 She then, via delicate connections, supports the seedlings with a solution of sugar, a process similar to a human mother nursing her child.

 그러고는 그것은 인간 어머니가 아이를 수유하는 것과 유사한 과정으로, 섬세한 연결을 통해  용액으로 묘목을 부양한다.

 Shade provided by parents is another form of care, as it curbs the growth of youngsters living under their crowns.

 부모에 의해 제공되는 그늘은 수관 아래에서 살고 있는 묘목들의 성장을 억제하기 때문에  다른 돌봄의 형태이다.

 Without the shade and exposed to full sunlight, the young trees would shoot up and expand the width of their trunks so quickly they'd be exhausted after just a century or two.

 그늘 없이 완전한 햇빛에 노출된 상태에서는, 어린 나무들은 급속히 자라 나무 몸통의 너비를 너무 빨리 확장시켜 그것들은 단지 한두 세기 후에 소진될 것이다.

 If, however, the young trees stand strong in the shadows for decades ─ or even centuries ─ they can live to a great age.

 그러나 만약 어린 나무들이 수십  동안 혹은 심지어  세기 동안 그늘 속에 굳건하게  있다면, 그것들은 장수할 것이다.

 Shade means less sunlight and therefore considerably less sugar.

 그늘은  적은 햇빛 그리고 따라서 상당하게  적은 당을 의미한다.

 The slow pace of life gently imposed by the mother tree is no accident, as generations of foresters have observed.

  세대의 산림 감독관들이 관찰했듯이, 어미나무에 의해 부드럽게 부과되는 느린 삶의 속도는 우연이 아니다.

 To this day, they talk of what is known in German as erzieherischer Schatten or "instructive shade."

 오늘날까지 그들은 독일어로 erzieherischer Schatten 또는 '교육적 그늘'이라고 알려진 것에 대해 이야기한다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 35: 알고리즘에 의해 형성되는 현대인의 개별성

 In a context in which the cultural obligation to produce the self as a distinctive, authentic individual is difficult to fulfill, the burdensome work of individualizing the self is turned over increasingly to algorithms.

 독특하고 진정한 개인으로서의 자아를 만들어야 하는 문화적 의무가 이행되기 어려운 상황에서, 자아를 개인화하는 부담스러운 작업은 점점  알고리즘에 넘겨진다.

 The "personalization" that is promised on every front ─ in the domains of search, shopping, health, news, advertising, learning, music, and entertainment ─ depends on ever more refined algorithmic constructions of individuality.

 모든 전면  검색, 쇼핑, 건강, 뉴스, 광고, 학습, 음악, 그리고 오락의 영역  에서 약속되는 "개인화"  어느 때보다  정교한 개성의 알고리즘적 구성에 달려 있다.

 As it becomes more difficult to produce our digital selves as unique individuals, we are increasingly being produced as unique individuals from the outside.

 우리의 디지털 자아를 고유한 개인으로 만들어내는 것이  어려워지면서, 우리는 점점  외부에서부터 고유한 개인으로 만들어지고 있다.

 Individuality is redefined from a cultural practice and reflexive project to an algorithmic process.

 개성은 문화적 관행이자 성찰적 과제에서 알고리즘적 과정으로 재정의된다.

 Our unique selfhood is no longer something for which we are wholly responsible; it is algorithmically guaranteed.

 우리의 고유한 자아는  이상 우리가 전적으로 책임지는 무언가가 아니다. 그것은 알고리즘적으로 보장된다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 36: 기술관료주의와 기술 결정 과정에서의 전문가 역할

 Technocracy can be thought to influence technological decision-making in one of two ways.

 테크노크라시는  가지 방법  하나로 기술적 의사결정에 영향을 미치는 것으로 생각될  있다.

 An idealized science and technology replaces politics and technical experts become the decision-makers, planning and organizing societies according to whatever scientific principles the evidence supports.

 이상화된 과학과 기술은 정치를 대체하고 기술 전문가들이 의사결정자가 되어, 증거가 뒷받침하는 과학적 원칙이면 무엇이든지 그에 따라 사회를 계획하고 조직한다.

 This form of technocracy is rarely found in practice.

 이러한 형태의 테크노크라시는 실제로는 거의 발견되지 않는다.

 In contrast, a more moderate form in which experts advise and politicians decide is found in many democratic societies.

 이와 대조적으로, 전문가들이 조언하고 정치가들이 결정하는  온건한 형태는 많은 민주주의 사회에서 발견된다.

 Also called the 'decisionist model', this form of technocracy institutionalizes a division of labour based on the distinction between facts and values and allows specialist experts to wield significant power.

 '결정론자 모델'이라고도 불리는 이러한 형태의 테크노크라시는 사실과 가치 사이에서의 구별에 기초한 노동 분업을 제도화하고 특정 분야의 전문가들이 상당한 권력을 휘두를  있도록 한다.

 This is because policy-makers work within the constraints set by the experts and choose from the options those experts provide.

 이것은 정책 결정자들은 전문가들에 의해 설정된 제약 내에서 일하고 그러한 전문가들이 제공하는 선택지들 중에서 고르기 때문이다.

 The technocratic element is clear: experts set the agenda and political judgements are parasitic on the judgements of experts.

 테크노크라시적 요소는 명확하다: 전문가들은 의제를 설정하고 정치적 판단은 전문가들의 판단에 기생한다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 37: 토지 이용 변화가 기후에 미치는 영향

 Land use change can be good or bad for the climate.

 토지 이용 변화는 기후에 대해 좋을 수도 나쁠 수도 있다.

 Plants use photosynthesis to convert carbon dioxide from the air and water to carbohydrates.

 식물은 광합성을 사용하여 공기로부터의 이산화탄소와 물을 탄수화물로 전환한다.

 Those carbohydrates provide the energy plants need to live, and the building blocks for plant growth, as well as food for animals and microorganisms.

 그러한 탄수화물은 동물과 미생물들을 위한 식량뿐만 아니라 식물이 살아가기 위해 필요한 에너지와 식물 성장을 위한 기본 구성요소를 제공한다.

 In healthy ecosystems the plants pull more carbon out of the atmosphere than they, and the animals and microorganisms that consume them, need.

 건강한 생태계에서 식물들은 그것들이, 그리고 그것들을 소비하는 동물들과 미생물들이 필요로 하는 것보다  많은 탄소를 대기로부터 끌어온다.

 That extra carbon is stored in living biomass like tree trunks and soil bacteria and fungi, and as carbon compounds in the soil.

  남는 탄소는 나무 몸통, 토양 박테리아, 균류와 같은 살아있는 바이오매스 안에, 그리고 탄소 화합물로서 토양 안에 저장된다.

 But when actions like deforestation or plowing severely disturb a plant community, the remaining plants cannot photosynthesize enough to feed themselves, plus all the animals and microorganisms that depend on them.

 그러나 산림파괴나 경작과 같은 행동들이 식물 군집을 심각하게 교란할 , 남아있는 식물들은 자신들과, 그에 더해서 그들에게 의존하는 모든 동물들과 미생물들을 먹일 만큼 충분히 광합성을  없게 된다.

 In those conditions microorganisms consume carbon that has been stored in the soil and in plants and animals, and respire that stored carbon back to atmosphere as CO2.

 그러한 상황에서 미생물들은 흙과 식물들과 동물들에 저장된 탄소를 소비하고,  저장된 탄소를 다시 대기로 이산화탄소로서 내뿜는다.

 If the original ecosystem was a forest, much of the carbon stored in the trees may also be converted to CO2 through burning.

 만약에 원래 생태계가 숲이었다면, 나무에 저장된 탄소의 많은 부분은 또한 화재를 통해 이산화탄소로 전환될지 모른다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 38: 이타적인 행동의  가지 경로

 Prosocial behavior ─ that is, behavior that is intended to help another person ─ can be motivated by two different pathways, according to Daniel Batson at the University of Kansas.

 University of Kansas Daniel Batson 따르면, 친사회적 행동  다시 말해, 다른 사람을 돕기 위해 의도된 행동    가지 다른 경로로 동기 부여될  있다.

 One pathway, the egoistic pathway, is largely self-focused: we provide help if the rewards to us outweigh the costs.

  번째 경로인 자기중심적 경로는 주로 자신에게 초점이 맞추어져 있다. 우리에 대한 보상이 비용보다  중요하다면 우리는 도움을 제공한다.

 This pathway is the one that is operating if we hand a homeless person a dollar to make ourselves feel better.

  경로는 만일 우리가 우리 자신들을  기분 좋게 만들기 위해서 노숙자에게 1달러를 건넬  작동하는 것이다.

 Doing so costs us very little ─ only a dollar ─ and the reward of doing so ─ avoiding the guilt we'd feel from simply walking by ─ is greater.

 그렇게 하는 것은 우리에게 거의 비용이 들게 하지 않으며 오로지 1달러만  그렇게 하는 것의 보상  단지 그저 지나쳐가는 것에서부터 우리가 느끼게  죄책감을 피하는     크다.

 But according to Batson's hypothesis, there is another pathway, which is other-focused ─ it's motivated by a genuine desire to help the other person, even if we incur a cost for doing so.

 하지만 Batson 가설에 따르면,  다른 경로가 있으며, 그것은 타자에게 초점이 맞추어져 있다  그것은 비록 그렇게 하는  때문에 우리가 비용을 치를지라도, 다른 사람을 도와주려는 진실된 욕구에 의해서 동기 부여된다.

 Following this pathway, we act altruistically when we feel empathy for a person and can truly imagine a situation from their perspective.

  경로를 따라서, 우리는 어떤 사람에 대한 공감을 느끼고 진정으로  관점에서부터 상황을 상상할  있을  이타적으로 행동한다.

 This ability to see the world from someone else's perspective can lead us to help, even if there are considerable costs.

 그밖의 다른 누군가의 관점으로부터 세상을   있는  능력은 비록 상당한 비용이 있을지라도 우리로 하여금 돕도록 이끌  있다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 39: 외적 동기와 내적 동기 연결의 중요성

 Our behaviour can be modified externally without there being strong personal motivation.

 우리의 행동은 강력한 개인적 동기가 없는 상태에서 외부적으로 수정될  있다.

 Everything from our supermarket shopping and online browsing choices are examples of how our actions are shaped without our conscious choice or motivation.

 우리의 슈퍼마켓 쇼핑에서의 모든 것과 온라인에서의 훑어보기 선택지는 우리의 의식적인 선택이나 동기 없이도 우리의 행동이 어떻게 형성되는지에 대한 예시이다.

 However, when processes police us but fail to truly influence us, we do not continue with the behaviours after the processes are removed.

 그러나 과정들이 우리를 통제하지만 진정으로 우리에게 영향을 미치지 못할 ,  과정들이 제거된 후에 우리는  행동을 계속하지 않는다.

 This is passive engagement rather than ownership.

 이는 소유라기보다는 수동적 참여이다.

 A better way in which we can be externally supported to take action is by having friends who encourage us.

 우리가 행동을 하도록 외부적으로 지지받을  있는  좋은 방법은 우리를 격려해주는 친구를 갖는 것이다.

 You may not be sold on going vegan, but yet give veganism a try at the start of the year because some of your friends suggest you do it together.

 당신은 완전한 채식생활을 하는 것에 대해 설득되지 않을지도 모르지만, 당신의 친구들   명이 당신이 그것을 함께 해야 한다고 제안하기 때문에  해의 시작에 완전한 채식생활을 시도해  것이다.

 Without the anchor of intrinsic motivation however, even a small bump in the road may reset you back; we may go back to eating meat in February when the social support has disappeared.

 하지만 내재적 동기부여라는 닻이 없는 상태에서는 심지어 도로에 솟아오른 작은 턱조차도 당신을 다시 원래대로 돌아가게 할지 모르고, 우리는 사회적 지지가 사라진 2월에는 고기를 먹는 것으로 되돌아갈지도 모른다.

 Resonance helps us connect to our internal motivation to change rather than being 'pushed' from the outside, and in turn helps us form a habit, where our self-concept makes a shift from 'someone who does not like cycling' to 'someone who cycles'.

 울림은 우리가 외부에서 '강요받는' 것보다는 변화하려는 우리의 내적 동기와 연결되도록 도와주며, 결과적으로 습관을 형성하도록 도와주며, 그것에서 우리의 자아 개념은 '자전거 타기를 좋아하지않는 누군가'에서부터 '자전거를 타는 누군가' 이동하게 된다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 40: 대화에서 대칭적 소통과 보완적 소통의 차이

 Communication is decisively influenced by how the partners define their relationship with each other at every moment of the communication process.

 의사소통은 당사자들이 의사소통 과정의 모든 순간에 서로에 대한 그들의 관계를 어떻게 정의하는가에 의해 결정적으로 영향을 받는다.

 If the communication is symmetrical, this means that both communication partners strive for equality and interact accordingly.

 만일 의사소통이 대칭적이라면, 이것은 의사소통의  당사자들이 평등을 추구하며 그에 따라 상호작용을 한다는 것을 의미한다.

 They behave as mirror images of each other, so to speak.

 말하자면, 그들은 서로의 거울 이미지처럼 행동한다.

 Strength is mirrored with strength, weakness is mirrored with weakness, or hardness is mirrored with hardness, etc.

 강함은 강함으로 반영되고, 약함은 약함으로 반영되고, 딱딱함은 딱딱함 등으로 반영된다.

 Complementary communication shows a matching difference in behaviour.

 보완적 의사소통은 행동에 있어서 짝을 이루는 차이를 보여준다.

 It is not a matter of up and down, strong and weak, or good and bad, but of matching and expected difference.

 그것은 위와 아래, 강함과 약함, 또는 좋고 나쁨의 문제가 아니라, 짝을 이루고 기대되는 차이의 문제이다.

 Such complementary relationships occur between teachers and students, mother and child, or managers and employees, etc.

 그러한 보완적 관계는 교사와 학생, 어머니와 자녀 또는 관리자와 직원등과 같은 사이에서 일어난다.

 What the expectations are in such relationships depends, among other things, on the cultural background.

 그러한 관계에서의 기대가 무엇인가 하는 것은, 다른 것들 중에서도, 문화적 배경에 달려있다.

 If the expectations of complementarity are not met, communication breakdowns occur.

 만일 보완성에 대한 기대가 충족되지 않는다면, 의사소통의 중단이 일어난다.

 For example, if an older person in Japan is not treated with a certain respect by a younger person, this circumstance can significantly impair communication or even make it impossible.

 예를 들면, 만일 일본에서  나이가 많은 사람이  젊은 사람에 의해 어떠한 존경심으로 대우받지 못한다면, 이러한 상황은 심각하게 의사소통을 해치거나 심지어 그것을 불가능하게 만들  있다.

 [요약문] The way the communication partners perceive their relationship determines the types of communication; symmetrical communication revolves around the pursuit of equality and the corresponding interaction between them, whereas complementary communication involves aligning with matching and expected differences based on cultural background.

 [요약문] 의사소통 당사자들이 그들의 관계를 인식하는 방식이 의사소통의 유형을 결정한다; 대칭적 의사소통은 평등 추구와 그들 사이의 상응하는 상호 작용을 중심으로 하는 반면, 보완적 의사소통은 문화적 배경에 근거한 짝을 이루고 기대되는 차이들과 궤를 같이하는 것을 포함한다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 41~42: '슈링크플레이션' 현상과  영향

 We have seen a clear rise in something called 'shrinkflation'.

 우리는 'shrinkflation'이라고 불리는 것의 뚜렷한 증가를 보아왔다.

 A basket of products is measured for inflation by price, not by volume or weight.

  바구니의 제품은 부피나 무게가 아니라 가격에 의해 인플레이션이 측정된다.

 If the products shrink in size but the price stays the same, technically no price increase has occurred.

 만일 제품의 크기가 줄어들지만 가격은 그대로 유지된다면, 기술적으로 어떤 가격 상승도 일어나지 않는다.

 But people aren't stupid, they know what that means.

 그러나 사람들은 바보가 아니고, 그들은 그것이 무엇을 의미하는지 알고 있다.

 You can see this in everything from the reduced amount of cereal in a box to smaller-sized chocolate bars.

 여러분은 이것을 상자에  시리얼의 감소된 양부터  작은 크기의 초콜릿 바에 이르기까지 모든 것에서   있다.

 You can see it in the form of ever-larger apertures in toothpaste tubes and powders of various sorts.

 여러분은 이것을 치약 튜브와 다양한 종류의 가루제품의  어느때보다   입구의 형태에서   있다.

 The purpose of these changes is to make the consumer use up the product faster and to pay more per weight.

 이러한 변화의 목적은 소비자가 제품을  빨리  써버리고 무게   많은 돈을 지불하도록 만드는 것이다.

 Toilet paper and paper towel rolls have ever-larger tube centres and ever-fewer sheets, while the price remains the same.

 가격은 그대로인 반면에, 화장지와 종이 타월 롤은  어느때보다   튜브 중심과  어느 때보다  적은 면수를 가지고 있다.

 There are fewer potato crisps in the bag and cookies in the box.

 봉지에는  적은 수의 감자칩이 있고 상자에는  적은 수의 쿠키가 있다.

 Bottles of liquids such as perfumes have ever-larger dimples on the bottom that displace the product and create the illusion of more inside than there is.

 향수와 같은 액체 병의 바닥에는 제품을 대체하고 내부에 있는 것보다  많이 있다는 착각을 만드는  어느 때보다   움푹 들어간 곳이 있다.

 Shrinkflation is not restricted to retail products.

 shrinkflation 소매 제품에만 국한되지 않는다.

 Apartments are shrinking, too.

 아파트도 줄어들고 있다.

 Micro apartments are smaller than anything we lived in before but cost more per square foot.

 초소형 아파트는 우리가 전에 살았던  어떤 것보다 작지만 평방 피트당 비용이  든다.

 Shrinkflation is a signal that tells us that companies are facing higher costs.

 shrinkflation 회사들이  높은 비용에 직면하고 있다는 것을 알려주는 신호이다.

 It is a signal that price pressures are starting to build.

 그것은 가격 압박이 심해지기 시작했다는 신호이다.

 

[3] 2024 07 – 43~45: 침입종으로 지정된 몽구스를 구하기 위한 Duluth 시민들의 노력

 On the northwestern coastline of Lake Superior is the city of Duluth, the westernmost port for transatlantic cargo ships.

 Lake Superior 북서쪽 해안에 Duluth시가 있는데, 대서양을 가로지르는 화물선들을 위한 최서단 항구이다.

 A lot of cargo comes into Duluth: coal, iron ore, grain, clothing and, in November 1962, a mongoose from India.

 많은 화물이 Duluth 들어온다: 석탄, 철광석, 곡물, 의류, 그리고 1962 11월에는 인도로부터  몽구스.

 The merchant seamen had enjoyed his company on the long journey and had sat drinking tea with him, but they decided he deserved a life on dry land so they presented him as a gift to the city's Lake Superior Zoo.

 상선원들은 오랜 여행기간동안 그의 동행을 즐겼고, 그와 차를 마시며 앉았으나, 그들은 그가 육지에서  가치가 있다고 결정했고 그래서 그들은 그를  도시의 Lake Superior 동물원에 선물로서제공했다.

 Lloyd Hackl, the director of the zoo, was delighted and named his new mongoose Mr. Magoo.

  동물원의 원장인 Lloyd Hackl 기뻐했고 그의 새로운 몽구스를 Mr. Magoo라고 이름지었다.

 His fate took an unexpected turn when, labeled an invasive species, federal agents sentenced him to death.

 침략종이라고 명명되어 연방요원들이 그에게 사형선고를 했을  그의 운명은 예상하지 못한 전환점을 맞았다.

 The citizens of Duluth were not taking the death sentence lying down.

 Duluth 시민들은  사형 선고를 순순히 참고 있지 않았다.

 It was pointed out that, as the only mongoose in the country, Mr. Magoo was never going to be able to reproduce, so the country was unlikely to be overrun by the species.

  나라의 유일한 몽구스로서 Mr. Magoo 결코 번식을   없을 것이고, 그래서  나라는  생물종에 의해서 우글거리게 되지 않을 것이라는 점이 지적되었다.

 They demanded he be allowed to live out his days in peace.

 그들은 그가 평화롭게 여생을 살도록 허락되어야 한다고 요구했다.

 Petitions were signed and sent to powerful figures like the U.S. Secretary of the Interior Stewart Udall, U.S. Senator Hubert Humphrey, and Duluth Mayor George Johnson.

 청원들이 서명되고 미국 내무부 장관인 Stewart Udall, 미국 상원의원인 Hubert Humphrey, 그리고 Duluth 시장인 George Johnson같은 영향력이  인물들에게 보내졌다.

 A campaign, brilliantly nicknamed No Noose for the Mongoose, was backed by more than 10,000 citizens.

 몽구스에게 올가미를 씌우지 말라라고 훌륭하게 별명이 지어진 캠페인이 10,000명이 넘는 시민들에 의해 지지를 받았다.

 There were even suggestions that the zoo director should take him into hiding.

 심지어 동물원장이 그를 숨겨야 한다는 제안조차 있었다.

 Thanks to the efforts of the citizens of Duluth, Mr. Magoo was pardoned.

 Duluth 시민들의 노력 덕분에, Mr. Magoo 사면을 받았다.

 A statement from Udall read, "Acting on the authority that permits importation of prohibited mammals ─ including mongooses ─ for zoological, education, medical and scientific purposes, I recommend that Mr. Magoo be granted non-political asylum in the United States."

 Udall 성명서는 '금지된 포유류들  몽구스들을 포함해서   수입을 동물학적, 교육적, 의학적 그리고 과학적 목적을 위해 허용하는 권한에 따라서, 나는 Mr. Magoo 미국에서 비정치적인 망명이 허가되어야 한다고 권고한다'라고 쓰여 있었다.

 He added that it was dependent upon Mr. Magoo maintaining his "bachelor existence."

 그는 그것은 Mr. Magoo 그의 '미혼의 ' 유지하는 것에 달려있다고 덧붙였다.

 The News Tribune joyfully proclaimed, "MAGOO TO STAY. U.S. Asylum Granted."

 News Tribune 'MAGOO 머무르게 . 미국 망명 허가됨'이라고 기뻐하며 공표했다.

 President Kennedy declared: "Let the story of the saving of Magoo stand as a classic example of government by the people."

 Kennedy 대통령은 'Magoo 구출 이야기가 시민들에 의한 정부의 모범적인 사례로 남아있게 하자'라고 선언했다.

 Living out his days in the zoo, Mr. Magoo became a beloved figure.

 동물원에서 그의 여생을 보내면서, Mr. Magoo 사랑받는 인물이 되었다.

 His daily routine included enjoying an egg, sipping tea, and charming zoo workers with his friendly nature.

 그의 매일의 일과는 달걀을 먹고, 차를 마시며, 동물원 직원들을 그의 다정한 성품으로 매혹시키는 것을 포함했다.

 Popular among visitors, especially children, he received numerous letters and Christmas cards.

 방문객들, 특별히 아이들 사이에서 인기가 있어서, 그는 수많은 편지와 크리스마스 카드를 받았다.

 When Mr. Magoo died peacefully in January 1968, his obituary in the Duluth Herald read: "OUR MR. MAGOO OF ZOO IS DEAD."

 Mr. Magoo 1968 1월에 평화롭게 죽었을 , Duluth Herald 그의 사망 기사는 '동물원의 우리 Mr. Magoo 죽었다'라고 쓰였다.

 The new zoo director, Basil Norton, vowed not to replace him:

 새로운 동물원장인 Basil Norton 그를 대체하지 않겠다고 맹세했다:

 Another mongoose could never take his place in the hearts and affections of Duluth people, he said.

 '또다른 몽구스는 결코 Duluth 사람들의 마음과 애정에서 그의 자리를 차지할  없다'라고 그가 말했다.

 

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