반응형

 

 

 

안녕하세요, Flow 영어연구소입니다.

 

<2024년도 10월 고3 영어 모의고사>의 한줄해석 자료 올립니다.
설명문/실용문을 제외한 모든 지문을 포함했습니다.

 

자료는 PDF 워드 파일 모두 올립니다.  
지문 분석하거나 자료 제작하실 때 참고하세요.

혼공하는 학생들이나 자료 필요한 분들에게

유용한 자료가 될 수 있길 바랍니다 :)

 

ps.

블로그 콘텐츠가 마음에 드신다면, '좋아요' 클릭과 광고 지원으로 응원해 주세요. 

여러분의 작은 도움이 큰 힘이 됩니다! 

감사합니다~~

 

 

 

파일 미리보기

 

 

파일 다운로드

[고3] 2024년 10월 모의고사 - 한줄해석.pdf
0.51MB
[고3] 2024년 10월 모의고사 - 한줄해석.docx
3.42MB

 

 

 

관련 자료 바로가기

 

[고3] 2024년 10월 모의고사 - 한줄해석 (좌지문 우해석)

안녕하세요, Flow 영어연구소입니다. 오늘은 2024년도 9월 고1 영어 모의고사>의 한줄해석(좌지문 우해석) 자료 올립니다.설명문/실용문을 제외한 전지문 작업했습니다. 자료는 PDF와 워드 

flowedu.tistory.com

 

[고3] 2024년 10월 모의고사 - 지문 요약 by ChatGPT-4o

안녕하세요, Flow 영어연구소입니다.오늘은 2024년도 10월 고3 영어 모의고사>의 지문 요약 자료 올립니다.ChatGPT 유료 버전(ChatGPT-4o)으로 작업했고,설명문/실용문을 제외한 전지문을 포함

flowedu.tistory.com

 

 

전체 내용

[3] 2024 10 – 18: 해외 출장으로 디지털 마케팅 워크숍 연사 참석 불가 통보 이메일

 I hope this email finds you well.

  이메일을 받으셨기를 바랍니다.

 Thank you for considering me as a speaker for the upcoming Digital Marketing Workshop.

 다가오는 디지털 마케팅 워크숍에서 연사로 저를 고려해 주셔서 감사합니다.

 I appreciate the invitation and your thoughtfulness.

 초대해 주시고 세심한 배려에 감사를 드립니다.

 The workshop sounds like an amazing event, and I would have loved to participate.

 워크숍은 정말 멋진 행사인  같으며, 저도 참여하고 싶었습니다.

 However, I regret to inform you that I will be overseas on a business trip during the workshop.

 그러나 아쉽게도 워크숍 기간 동안 해외 출장 중이어서 참석할  없음을 알려드립니다.

 It is unfortunate that the timing does not work out.

 시기적으로 맞지 않아 아쉽습니다.

 Although I cannot attend as a speaker this time, I remain hopeful for future opportunities where our schedules might coincide.

 이번에는 연사로 참석할  없지만, 우리의 일정이 맞아떨어지는 미래의 기회를 기대하고 있습니다.

 I hope the workshop goes well.

 워크숍이  진행되기를 바랍니다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 19: 숲에서 곰을 만나 공포에 빠진 경험과 안도감

 Setting out to find some wood for the campfire, Sarah moved through the forest.

 캠프파이어를 위한 나무를 찾으러 나선 사라는  속을 지나고 있었다.

 Just then, she noticed an approaching danger ─ a large, threatening bear.

 그때 그녀는 다가오는 위험을 눈치챘다. 크고 위협적인 곰이었다.

 Panic spread through her body.

 공포가 그녀의 몸에 퍼졌다.

 Frozen and unable to shout, she watched in horror.

 얼어붙은  소리조차 지를  없었던 그녀는 공포에 휩싸인  지켜보고 있었다.

 Her heart beat louder with each step the bear took.

 곰이  걸음씩 다가올 때마다 그녀의 심장은  크게 뛰었다.

 But then, as if by a miracle, the bear paused, looked around, and, uninterested, turned away, retreating into the shadows of the woods.

 하지만 마치 기적처럼 곰이 멈춰서 주위를 둘러보더니, 흥미를 잃은   속의 어둠 속으로 돌아갔다.

 When the bear had disappeared completely out of her sight, her knees nearly gave way.

 곰이 완전히 시야에서 사라졌을 , 그녀의 무릎은 거의 풀릴 뻔했다.

 Sarah could finally let out the breath she had been holding.

 사라는 그제서야 참았던 숨을 내쉬었다.

 A wave of immense relief washed over her.

 엄청난 안도감이 그녀를 감쌌다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 20: 음악이 자녀의 정서적, 사회적 발달에 미치는 긍정적 영향

 There are few universals in this world, but among them are our love for our children and our love of music.

  세상에는 보편적인 것들이 거의 없지만, 그것들 중에 우리 아이들에 대한 우리의 사랑과 음악에 대한 우리의 사랑이 있다.

 When we hold a baby in our arms, comforting her with song, we are channelling the emotional power of music.

 우리가 아기를 우리 팔에 안고, 그녀를 노래로 다독일 , 우리는 음악의 정서적 힘을 전하고 있다.

 We do so instinctively, just as our ancestors did.

  우리 조상들이 했던 것처럼, 우리는 본능적으로 그렇게 한다.

 Music can be a powerful parental ally during the challenging child-rearing years.

 음악은 아이를 키우는 힘든 시기 동안 강력한, 부모의 협력자가   있다.

 To successfully prepare our children for life in the twenty-first century, we will need to nurture qualities such as curiosity, imagination, empathy, creative entrepreneurship, and most of all resilience.

 21세기에서의 삶에 우리 아이들을 성공적으로 준비시키기 위해, 우리는 호기심, 상상력, 공감, 창의적 기업가 정신, 그리고 무엇보다도 회복력과 같은 자질들을 길러줘야  것이다.

 Musical practice in early childhood develops all of the above and more.

 초기 유년기에서 음악의 실천은 위의 모든 것과  이상을 발달시킨다.

 Research has shown that musical practice in early childhood is beneficial not only for mental acuity but for social and emotional development as well.

 연구는 초기 유년기에서 음악의 실천은 정신의 예리함뿐만 아니라 사회적 그리고 정서적 발달에도 유익하다는 것을 보여 준다.

 Music is not just a hobby, a pleasant pastime; it is an integral part of what makes us happy, healthy, and whole.

 음악은 단지 취미, 즐거운 오락거리가 아니고, 우리를 행복하고 건강하며 온전하게 만드는 것의 필수적인 부분이다.

 Indeed, if we want to do one thing to help our children develop into emotionally, socially, intellectually, and creatively competent human beings, we should start the musical conversation ─ the earlier the better.

 사실, 우리가 우리 아이들을 정서적으로, 사회적으로, 지적으로, 그리고 창의적으로 유능한 인간으로 성장하도록 돕기 위해  가지를 하고 싶다면, 우리는 음악의 대화를 시작해야 한다.  빠를수록 좋다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 21: 집중의 중요성과 인터넷이 주의력에 미친 부정적 영향

 In 1890, William James described attention as "the taking possession by the mind, in clear and vivid form, of one out of what seem several simultaneously possible objects or trains of thought."

 1890년에 William James 주의력을 '정신으로, 동시에 가능한 여러 대상들 혹은 생각의 맥락들 같은   하나를 분명하고 선명한 형태로 차지하는 '이라고 기술했다.

 Attention is a choice we make to stay on one task, one line of thinking, one mental road, even as attractive off-ramps signal.

 주의력은 심지어 매력적인 빠져나가는 길이 신호를 보내도, 하나의 , 하나의 사고 방식, 하나의 정신의 길에 머무르기 위해 우리가 하는 선택이다.

 When we fail to make that choice and allow ourselves to be frequently sidetracked, we end up in "the confused, dazed, scatterbrained state" that James said is the opposite of attention.

 우리가  선택을 하지 못하고 우리 자신을 자주 곁길로 새게  , 우리는 James 주의력의 반대라고 말한 '혼란스럽고, 멍하고, 정신이 산만한 상태' 결국 처하게 된다.

 Staying on one road got much harder when the internet arrived and moved much of our reading online.

 인터넷이 등장하고 우리 독서의 대부분을 온라인으로 이동시키자,  길에 머무르는 것은 훨씬  어려워졌다.

 Every hyperlink is an off-ramp, calling us to abandon the choice we made moments earlier.

 모든 하이퍼링크는 빠져나가는 길이며, 우리가 잠깐( 순간) 전에  선택을 포기하라고 우리를 부른다.

 Nicholas Carr, in his 2010 book, grieved his lost ability to stay on one path.

 Nicholas Carr 그의 2010 저서에서  길에 머무르는 그의 능력을 잃어버린 것을 슬퍼했다.

 Life on the internet changed how his brain sought out information, even when he was off-line trying to read a book.

 인터넷에서의 생활은 그가 오프라인에  책을 읽으려고 노력하고 있었을 때조차 그의 뇌가 어떻게 정보를 찾아내는 지를 바꾸었다.

 It reduced his ability to focus and reflect because he now craved a constant stream of stimulation:

 이것은 그의 집중하고 성찰하는 능력을 감소시켰는데, 그는 이제 끊임없는 자극의 흐름을 갈망하게 되었기 때문이다.

 "Once I was a scuba diver in the sea of words.

 "한때 나는 언어의 바다  스쿠버 다이버였다.

 Now I zip along the surface like a guy on a Jet Ski."

 이제는 제트 스키를 타는 사람처럼 수면 위를 쌩하고 지나간다."

 

[3] 2024 10 – 22: 실천적 지식은 경험을 통해 형성되며 전수될  있는 

 Technical, book knowledge consists of "formulated rules which are, or may be, deliberately learned."

 기술적, (에서 얻을  있는) 지식은 '의도적으로 배우거나, 그럴 수도 있는, 체계적으로 표현된 규칙들' 구성된다.

 Practical knowledge, on the other hand, cannot be taught or learned but only transmitted and acquired.

 반면에 실용적 지식은 가르쳐지거나 배울  없으며 오직 전해지고 습득된다.

 It exists only in practice.

 그것은 오직 실행 속에서만 존재한다.

 When we talk about practical knowledge, we tend to use bodily metaphors.

 우리가 실용적 지식에 관해 이야기할 , 우리는 신체적 비유를 사용하는 경향이 있다.

 We say that somebody has a touch for doing some activity ─ an ability to hit the right piano key with just enough force and pace.

 우리는 누군가가 어떤 활동을 하기 위한 '솜씨',  필요한 만큼의 힘과 속도로 정확한 피아노 건반을 치는 능력을 가지고 있다고 말한다.

 We say that somebody has a feel for the game, an intuition for how events are going to unfold, an awareness of when you should plow ahead with a problem and when you should put it aside before coming back to it.

 우리는 누군가가 게임에 대한 '감각', 어떻게 사건들이 전개될지에 대한 직감, 여러분이 문제를 밀고 나가야  때와 그것으로 되돌아오기 전까지 제쳐 두어야  때에 대한 인식을 가지고 있다고 말한다.

 When the expert is using her practical knowledge, she isn't thinking more; she is thinking less.

 전문가가 자신의 실용적 지식을 사용하고 있을 , 그녀는  생각하는 것이 아니다. 그녀는  생각한다.

 She has built up a repertoire of skills through habit and has thereby extended the number of tasks she can perform without conscious awareness.

 그녀는 습관을 통해 기술의 레퍼토리를 쌓아 왔고, 그렇게 함으로써 의식적 인식없이 그녀가 수행할  있는 과제의 수를 늘려 왔다.

 This sort of knowledge is built up through experience, and it is passed along through shared experience.

 이러한 종류의 지식은 경험을 통해 쌓이고, 그것은 공유된 경험을 통해 다음으로 전달된다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 23: 인간이 그림을 만드는 본능적 욕구와 기억과의 관계

 The human desire to make pictures is deeply rooted.

 그림을 만드는 인간의 욕망은 깊게 뿌리를 내리고 있다.

 At least 64,000 years ago, Neanderthals used colored oxide and charcoal to make paintings of large wild animals, tracings of human hands, and abstract patterns on cave and rock walls.

 적어도 6 4천년 전에, 네안데르탈인은 색깔이 있는 산화물과 목탄을 사용하여 동굴과 암벽에 커다란 야생 동물의 그림, 사람 손의 모사(模寫), 그리고 추상적인 무늬를 만들었다.

 Today, people create images with a multitude of mediums, including photography.

 오늘날, 사람들은 사진 촬영을 포함한 다수의 도구로 그림을 만든다.

 What drives this picturemaking impulse?

 무엇이  그림을 만드는 충동을 이끄는가?

 Some make pictures for commercial reasons.

 어떤 사람들은 상업적인 이유로 그림을 만든다.

 Others create informational systems or employ scientific imaging tools to visualize the unseen.

 다른 사람들은 정보 체계를 만들거나 보이지 않는 것을 시각화하기 위해 과학적 이미지화 도구를 사용한다.

 Artists use images expressionistically, to conceptualize and articulate who they are and how they view the world.

 예술가들은 그들이 누구인지 그리고 그들이 세상을 어떻게 바라보는지를 개념화하고 분명하게 표현하기 위해서 그림을 표현주의적으로 사용한다.

 However, the fundamental motive for making the vast majority of pictures is a desire to preserve: to document, and therefore honor, specific people, events, and possessions of importance.

 그러나, 그림 대부분을 만드는 것에 대한 근본적인 동기는 보존하려는 욕구인데, 기록하고, 그래서 중요성을 지닌 특정 사람들, 사건들, 그리고 소유물을 기념하려는 것이다.

 Regardless of purpose, the making of images persists because words alone cannot always provide a satisfactory way to describe and express our relationship to the world.

 목적과 관계없이, 그림 만드는 것은 지속되는데 말만으로는 세상과 우리의 관계를 설명하고 표현하는 만족할 만한 방법을 항상 제공할 수가 없기 때문이다.

 Pictures are an essential component of how humans observe, communicate, celebrate, comment, and, most of all, remember.

 그림은 인간이 어떻게 관찰하고, 소통하고, 기념하고, 논평하고, 무엇보다도 기억하는지의 가장 중요한 요소이다.

 What and how we remember shapes our worldview, and pictures can provide a stimulus to jog one's memory.

 우리가 무엇을 그리고 어떻게 기억하느냐가 우리의 세계관을 형성하고 그림은 누군가의 기억을 되살리는 자극을 제공할  있다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 24: 유사한 관점을 가진 사람들과의 관계가 자아 형성에 미치는 영향

 We naturally gravitate toward people whose views and beliefs are similar to our own, seeking what the eighteenth-century moral philosopher Adam Smith called "a certain harmony of minds."

 우리는 자연스럽게 견해와 신념이 우리 자신의 것과 유사한 사람들에게 자연히 끌리며, 18세기 도덕 철학자 Adam Smith '마음의 특정한 조화'라고 불렀던 것을 추구한다.

 Spending time with people who share our opinions reinforces our group identity, strengthening trust, cooperation, equality, and productivity.

 우리의 의견을 공유하는 사람들과 시간을 보내는 것은 우리의 집단 정체성을 보강하여, 신뢰, 협력, 평등, 그리고 생산성을 강화한다.

 Our shared reality grounds us not just in our common perceptions but in similar feelings and worldviews.

 우리의 공유된 현실은 단지 우리의 공통의 인식뿐만 아니라 유사한 감정과 세계관에 근거를 두게 한다.

 This helps to preserve our core values and beliefs about ourselves.

 이는 우리의 핵심적인 가치와 자신에 대한 신념을 지키는  도움이 된다.

 It also provides us with meaning and a feeling of self-worth.

 또한, 그것은 우리에게 의미와 자아 존중감을 제공한다.

 And with each decision or interaction that confirms our tribe's common experience, we get rewarded with the hormonal happiness we crave.

 그리고 우리 부족의 공통의 경험을 견고하게 하는  결정이나 상호 작용으로 우리는 우리가 갈망하는 호르몬의 행복으로 보상받는다.

 Our perception of ourselves is a mixture of our own unique characteristics and our sense of belonging to our in-groups.

 우리 자신에 대한 우리의 인식은 우리 자신의 고유한 특성과 우리의 내집단에 대한 소속감의 혼합이다.

 In fact, our personal identity is so closely interwoven with our social identity that our brains can't tell them apart.

 실제로 우리의 개인 정체성은 우리의 사회 정체성과 너무 밀접하게 뒤섞여서 우리 뇌는 그것들을 분간할  없다.

 If I put you in a scanner and ask you to talk about yourself and then about the groups to which you feel the closest affinity, it will activate the same neural networks in your brain.

 만약 내가 여러분을 스캐너에 넣고 여러분 자신에 대해 이야기하게  다음 여러분이 가장 가까운 유사성을 느끼는 집단에 대해 이야기하게 한다면, 그것은 여러분의 뇌에서 동일한 신경망을 활성화할것이다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 25: 2017 기계 학습을 이용한 스마트폰 앱의 인식  사용 비율

 The above graph shows awareness and usage of smartphone applications featuring machine learning in 2017.

  그래프는 2017년에 기계 학습을 특징으로 하는 스마트폰 애플리케이션의 인식도와 사용률을 보여준다.

 In each of the five surveyed applications, the percentage of respondents demonstrating awareness was higher than that of respondents demonstrating usage.

 조사된 다섯 가지 애플리케이션 각각에서, 인식을 보인 응답자의 비율이 사용을 보인 응답자의 비율보다 높았다.

 Predictive text had the highest percentages of respondents in both awareness and usage, among the five applications.

 예측 텍스트는 다섯 가지 애플리케이션  인식도와 사용률에서 가장 높은 비율을 기록했다.

 The percentage of respondents displaying awareness of voice search was more than four times that of respondents using it.

 음성 검색에 대한 인식을 보인 응답자의 비율은 이를 사용하는 응답자의 비율보다 4 이상 높았다.

 Voice-to-text showed a higher percentage of the respondents reporting awareness of it than email classification, while this was not the case in their usage.

 음성을 텍스트로 변환하는 애플리케이션은 이메일 분류보다  많은 응답자가 이를 인식하고 있다고 보고했지만, 사용률에서는 그렇지 않았다.

 The percentage of respondents showing usage of automated photo classification was less than half of the percentage of those showing awareness of it.

 자동 사진 분류 애플리케이션을 사용하는 응답자의 비율은 이를 인식하는 응답자의 비율의 절반에도 미치지 못했다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 26: 고고학자 Mary Leakey 업적과 아프리카에서의 중요한 발견들

 Mary Douglas Leakey was born in 1913 in London, England in a family of scholars and researchers.

 Mary Douglas Leakey 1913년에 영국 런던에서 학자와 연구자의 집안에서 태어났다.

 Her father, who was an artist, took her to see the stone tools being studied by French prehistorians.

 예술가였던 그녀의 아버지는 그녀를 데리고 프랑스 선사학자들이 연구하고 있던 석기를 보러 갔다.

 This sparked her interest in archaeology.

 이것은 고고학에 대한 그녀의 흥미를 불러 일으켰다.

 When she was just 17 years old, she served as an illustrator at a dig in England.

 그녀가 단지 17세일 , 그녀는 영국에 있는 발굴지에서 삽화가로 일했다.

 Shortly after marrying Louis Leakey, she left for East Africa with her husband.

 Louis Leakey 결혼하고 얼마 되지 않아, 그녀는 그녀의 남편과 함께 동아프리카로 떠났다.

 Together, they made important fossil discoveries.

 함께, 그들은 중요한 화석들을 발견했다.

 In 1948, Mary found a partial skull fossil of Proconsul africanus on Rusinga Island in Lake Victoria.

 1948년에, Mary Lake Victoria 있는 Rusinga Island에서 Proconsul africanus 두개골 화석의 일부를 찾았다.

 In 1959 in Tanzania, she discovered the skull of an early hominin that her husband named Zinjanthropus boisei, which is now known as Paranthropus boisei.

 1959 탄자니아에서 그녀는 그녀의 남편이 Zinjanthropus boisei라고 이름 붙인, 지금은 Paranthropus boisei라고 알려진 초기 호미닌(분류학상 인간의 조상으로 분류되는 종족) 두개골을 발견했다.

 Even after her husband's death in 1972, Mary continued her work in Africa.

 1972 그녀의 남편의 사망 이후에도, Mary 아프리카에서 그녀의 일을 계속했다.

 Mary died in 1996, in Nairobi, Kenya.

 Mary 1996 케냐 나이로비에서 사망했다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 29: 후손들이 은하계를 식민지화할 가능성과 관련 기술들

 Sometime late in the next millennium, our descendants may head off to other star systems.

 다음  년의 후반부 언젠가, 우리의 후손들은 다른 항성계로 떠날 수도 있다.

 They may use comets as stepping-stones, some of which are only loosely bound to our sun because they reach almost halfway to the nearest star system, Alpha Centauri.

 그들은, 그중 일부가 우리의 태양에 그저 느슨하게 묶여 있는 혜성들을 (그들이) 디딤돌로 사용할 수도 있는데, 왜냐하면 그것들은 가장 가까운 항성계, Alpha Centauri 거의 (거리상으로) 중간에이르기 때문이다.

 Our remote descendants may eventually colonize much of our galaxy just as the first living organisms on Earth once colonized Earth's young oceans.

 우리의  후손들은 지구에  살아 있는 유기체들이 한때 지구의 초기 바다를 점령했던 것과 같이 우리 은하계의 대부분을 결국 점령할 수도 있다.

 Interstellar migrations will depend on as yet unimagined technologies for driving ships, for maintaining sustainable environments, and for putting humans into hibernations lasting for centuries.

 성간(星間) 이동은 우주선을 추진하기 위한, 지속 가능한 환경을 유지하기 위한, 인간을  세기 동안 지속되는 동면에 들어가게 하기 위한, 아직 상상이 되지 않는 기술에 의존할 것이다.

 Interstellar journeys will also depend on the existence of groups willing to risk long and dangerous voyages with little or no hope of returning.

 또한 성간(星間) 이동은 돌아올 희망이 거의 없거나 전혀 없는 길고 위험한 여정의 위험을 무릅쓸 의지가 있는 집단들의 존재에 달려 있을 것이다.

 It would take spaceships traveling at 1 percent of the speed of light more than four hundred years to reach the Alpha Centauri system.

 빛의 속도의 1% 이동하는 우주선이 Alpha Centauri(항성)계에 도달하는 데에는 400 이상이 걸릴 것이다.

 But if they spread out from there at a similar rate, they could settle star systems throughout the Milky Way within one hundred million years, which is just a bit longer than the span of time since dinosaurs ruled our Earth.

 그러나 그들이 그곳에서부터 비슷한 속도로 퍼져 나간다면, 그들은 1  이내에 은하계 도처의 항성계를 정착시킬  있을 것이고, 이는 공룡이 우리 지구를 지배했던 이후의 (시간의) 기간보다 아주 조금  길다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 30: 어린 동물들이 계급질서에서 특별 대우를 받는 강아지 면허 설명

 Notably, young animals of many species have a special status, a leeway period granted by older members of the group.

 특히, 많은 종의 어린 동물들은 집단에서 나이가  많은 구성원들로부터 부여받는 자유 시기라는 특별한 지위를 갖는다.

 This break from the hierarchy is called "puppy license" by the behaviorists who see it in dogs, but it's a feature of family dynamics in a range of species.

  계층으로부터의 잠깐의 휴식 기간은 그것을 개에서  행동학자들에 의해 '강아지 면허'라고 불리는데, 그것은 다양한 종에서 가족 역학 관계의 특징이다.

 Older animals will overlook, or gently correct, an inappropriate display of dominance as long as the offender is young enough not to know better.

 나이가  많은 동물은 나쁜 짓을 하는 (동물) 어려서   알지 못하는 만큼, 적절치 않은 우월의 과시를 눈감아 주거나, 부드럽게 교정해  것이다.

 Puppy license also covers play: older dogs seem to enjoy puppy playfulness, and may encourage young dogs by wrestling more gently, barking more softly, and sometimes letting the puppies win.

 '강아지 면허' 놀이도 포함하는데, 나이가  많은 개들은 강아지들의 장난기를 즐기는  보이고,  부드럽게 몸싸움을 벌이며,  부드럽게 짖고, 때로는 강아지들이 이기게 함으로써 어린 개들에게 용기를 북돋워  수도 있다.

 As soon as that young dog hits a certain point in adolescence, however, its puppy license expires.

 그러나  어린 개가 사춘기의 특정 시점에 이르자마자, 그것의 '강아지 면허' 만료된다.

 Behaviors that were lightheartedly tolerated just a few days before are now met with adult pushback.

 불과 며칠 전만 해도 가볍게 용인되었던 행동들이 이제는 성체의 반발을 겪는다.

 Although the dog is still young and may lack experience, it is challenged and treated like an adult.

 개가 여전히 어리고 경험이 부족할 수도 있지만, 그것은 도전받고 성체처럼 대해진다.

 In the human world and in the dog world, as juveniles mature into wildhood and their puppy licenses are no longer valid, a tolerant world becomes irritated and intolerant.

 인간계와 개의 세계에서, 청소년들이 와일드후드(진화의 세월 동안 모든 종이 경험하는 유년기와 성인기 사이의 시기를 이르는 ) 성장하고 그들의 강아지 면허가  이상 유효하지 않을 , 관대한 세계는 짜증스럽고 너그럽지 못하게 된다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 31: 과학 발전이  어려워지는 이유와 기존 이론의 한계

 After we make some amount of scientific and technological progress, does further progress get easier or harder?

 우리가 어느 정도의 과학적 그리고 기술적 발전을 이룬 후에,  이상의 발전은  쉬워지는가 혹은  어려워지는가?

 Intuitively, it seems like it could go either way because there are two competing effects.

 직관적으로, 어느 쪽이든   있을 것처럼 보이는데,  가지 경쟁하는 영향이 있기 때문이다.

 On the one hand, we "stand on the shoulders of giants": previous discoveries can make future progress easier.

 한편으로는, 우리는 '거인의 어깨에  있는데,'  이전의 발견이 미래의 발전을  쉽게 만들  있다.

 On the other hand, we "pick the low-hanging fruit": we make the easy discoveries first, so those that remain are more difficult.

 다른 한편으로는, 우리는 '낮게 매달려 있는 과일을 따는데,'  우리는 쉬운 발견을 먼저 해서 남아 있는 것들은  어렵다.

 You can only invent the wheel once, and once you have, it's harder to find a similarly important invention.

 여러분은 바퀴를  번만 발명할  있고, 일단 그러고 나면, 비슷하게 중요한 발명을 찾기란  어렵다.

 Though both of these effects are important, when we look at the data it's the latter effect that predominates.

   영향 모두 중요하지만, 데이터를 보면 지배하는 것은 바로 후자의 영향이다.

 Overall, past progress makes future progress harder.

 대체로, 과거의 발전은 미래의 발전을  어렵게 한다.

 It's easy to see this qualitatively by looking at the history of innovation.

 혁신의 역사를 살펴봄으로써 이것을 질적으로 아는 것은 쉽다.

 Consider physics.

 물리학을 고려해 보라.

 In 1905, his "miracle year," Albert Einstein revolutionized physics, describing the photoelectric effect, Brownian motion, the theory of special relativity, and his famous equation, E=mc².

 그의 '기적의 ' 1905년에, 알버트 아인슈타인은 물리학에 대변혁을 일으켰는데, 광전 효과, 브라운 운동, 특수 상대성 이론, 그리고 그의 유명한 공식 E=mc² 기술하였다.

 He was twenty-six at the time and did all this while working as a patent clerk.

 그는  당시 26살이었고, 특허 사무원으로 일하며  모든 것을 했다.

 Compared to Einstein's day, progress in physics is now much harder to achieve.

 아인슈타인의 시대와 비교하여, 이제 물리학에서 발전은 이루기가 훨씬  어렵다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 32: 유전자와 뇌의 구조가 행동에 미치는 영향과 환경의 역할

 Behavior is, for the most part, a product of genes and brain neuropathways.

 행동은, 대부분, 유전자와 뇌의 신경 경로의 산물이다.

 Consider the elegant chemistry at work when living organisms move, think, behave, and act.

 살아 있는 유기체가 움직이고, 생각하고, 처신하고, 행동할  작용하는 정교한 화학 작용을 고려해 보라.

 Certainly, the environment is a factor here because it can influence how we act.

 틀림없이, 환경은 여기서 하나의 요소인데 그것이 우리가 '행동하는 방식' 영향을 미칠  있기 때문이다.

 An analogy would illustrate this adequately.

  가지 비유가 이것을 적절히 설명할  있을 것이다.

 Think of the environment as gasoline, and our body as the engine.

 환경을 휘발유로, 우리 몸을 엔진으로 생각해 보라.

 Truly, the engine does not run without the gasoline, but all the intricate parts of the engine are the product of physical architecture, designed and assembled for a reactive purpose long before the gasoline is injected.

 엄밀히, 엔진은 휘발유 없이는 작동하지 않지만, 엔진의 모든 복잡한 부품들은 '물리적 구조' 산물인데, 휘발유가 주입되기 훨씬 이전에 반응을 보이려는 목적으로 설계되고 조립되었다.

 Inject more gas and the engine accelerates, less, and it slows.

  많은 휘발유를 주입하면, 엔진이 빨라지고,  적은 (휘발유를 주입하면), 그것은 느려진다.

 The same is true for an organism.

 유기체에서도 마찬가지이다.

 Behavior is a response to the environment.

 행동은 환경에 대한 '반응'이다.

 We have 'free will,' but the ultimate characteristic of that response can only act with respect to the architecture of our genes and our brain.

 우리는 '자유 의지' 가지고 있지만,  반응의 궁극적인 특성은 우리의 유전자와 우리의 뇌의 구조와 관해서만 작용할  있다.

 In other words, the environment can, effectively, accelerate or slow down a potential behavior, but the engine for that behavior is already built and functional; therefore, the environment is but a catalyst.

 다시 말해, 환경은 잠재적인 행동을 효과적으로 빨라지게 하거나 늦출  있지만,  행동을 위한 엔진은 이미 구축되었고 가동된다. 따라서 환경은 단지 촉매일 뿐이다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 33: 영아들이 의도적인 행동을 모방하는 사회 인지적 혁명 과정

 The social-cognitive revolution at 1 year of age sets the stage for infants' second year of life, in which they begin to imitatively learn the use of all kinds of tools, artifacts, and symbols.

 1살의 나이에 사회 인지의 혁명은 유아들의 생애 두번째 해를 위한 발판을 설정하는데, 그때 그들은 모든 종류의 도구, 인공물, 그리고 기호의 사용을 모방하여 배우기 시작한다.

 For example, in a study by Meltzoff , 14-month-old children observed an adult bend at the waist and touch its head to a panel, thus turning on a light.

 예를 들어, Meltzoff  연구에서, 14개월  아이들은  어른이 허리를 구부리고 자신의 머리를 패널에 갖다 대어, 전등을 켜는 것을 관찰했다.

 They followed suit.

 그들은  방식을 따라 했다.

 Infants engaged in this somewhat unusual and awkward behavior, even though it would have been easier and more natural for them simply to push the panel with their hand.

 유아들은 단순히 그들의 손으로 패널을 누르는 것이 그들에게  쉽고 자연스러웠을 것임에도 불구하고,  다소 이상하고 어색한 행동을 하기 시작했다.

 One interpretation of this behavior is that infants understood that the adult had the goal of illuminating the light and then chose one means for doing so, from among other possible means, and if they had the same goal, they could choose the same means.

  행동에 대한  가지 해석은 유아들이  어른이 불을 켜는 목표를 가지고 있었고 그리고 나서 그렇게 하기 위한 수단 하나를, 가능한 다른 수단들 중에서, 골랐다는 것과 만약 그들이 같은 목표를가진다면, 그들은 같은 수단을 선택할  있다는 것을 이해했다는 것이다.

 Similarly, Carpenter et al. found that 16-month-old infants will imitatively learn from a complex behavioral sequence only those behaviors that appear intentional, ignoring those that appear accidental.

 마찬가지로, Carpenter et al. 16개월  유아들은 복잡한 행동의 연달아 일어남으로부터 의도적이라고 보이는 그런 행동들만 모방하여 배울 것이고, 뜻하지 않아 보이는 것들은 무시한다는 것을알아냈다.

 Young children do not just imitate the limb movements of other persons, they attempt to reproduce other persons' intended actions in the world.

 어린아이들은 단순히 다른 사람들의 팔다리의 움직임을 모방하는 것이 아니라, 그들은 세상에서 다른 사람들의 의도된 행동들을 재현하려고 시도한다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 34: 과학적 이론은 언제든지 오류가 입증될  있음을 설명

 As an ideal of intellectual inquiry and a strategy for the advancement of knowledge, the scientific method is essentially a monument to the utility of error.

 지적 탐구의 이상이자 지식의 발전을 위한 전략으로서, 과학적 방법은 본질적으로 오류의 유용성을 보여주는 기념비이다.

 Most of us gravitate toward trying to prove our beliefs, to the extent that we bother investigating their validity at all.

 우리 대부분은 우리의 믿음을 입증하려고 노력하는 것에 자연히 끌리는데, 우리가 그것들의 타당성을 굳이 조사하려 해야만 (조사)하는 정도까지 그러하다.

 But scientists gravitate toward falsification; as a community if not as individuals, they seek to disprove their beliefs.

 그러나 과학자들은 반증에 자연히 끌리며, 개인으로서는 아니더라도 공동체로서, 그들은 자신의 믿음이 그릇됨을 입증하려고 한다.

 Thus, the defining feature of a hypothesis is that it has the potential to be proven wrong (which is why it must be both testable and tested), and the defining feature of a theory is that it hasn't been proven wrong yet.

 따라서 가설의 본질적인 의미를 규정하는 특징은 그것이 틀리다고 입증될 가능성을 가진다는 것이며(이는 그것(가설) 반드시 검증 가능할 수도 있어야 하고 검증되기도 해야 한다는 이유이다.) 이론의 본질적인 의미를 규정하는 특징은 그것이 아직 틀리다고 입증되지 않았다는 것이다.

 But the important part is that it can be ─ no matter how much evidence appears to confirm it, no matter how many experts endorse it, no matter how much popular support it enjoys.

 그러나 중요한 부분은 아무리 많은 증거가 그것(이론) 옳음을 증명하는  같더라도, 아무리 많은 전문가가 그것을 지지하더라도, 아무리  대중의 지지를 그것이 받더라도, 그것은 그렇게   있다는 것이다.

 In fact, not only can any given theory be proven wrong; sooner or later, it probably will be.

 사실, 어떤 주어진 이론도 틀리다고 입증'  있을' 뿐만 아니라, 조만간 그것은 아마도 그렇게  것이다.

 And when it is, the occasion will mark the success of science, not its failure.

 그리고 그것이 그렇게  ,  경우는 그것(과학) 실패가 아닌, 과학의 성공을 나타낼 것이다.

 This was the crucial insight of the Scientific Revolution: that the advancement of knowledge depends on current theories collapsing in the face of new insights and discoveries.

 이것은 과학 혁명의 중대한 통찰력이었는데, 지식의 발전은 새로운 통찰과 발견들 앞에서 붕괴하는 현재 이론에 달려 있다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 35: 새로운 시스템 사용  개인적 필요가 사회적 목표와 충돌할  있음

 It is important to remember that to achieve acceptance and use of new technologies/systems, the personal importance to the users has to be valued more highly than the degree of innovation.

 새로운 기술 / 시스템의 수용과 사용을 달성하기 위해서는 사용자들에게 개인적 중요성이 혁신의 정도보다 더욱 높이 평가되어야 한다는 점을 기억하는 것이 중요하다.

 However, policies and political goals are often confused with the driver's personal goals.

 그러나 정책들과 정치적 목표들은 종종 운전자의 개인적 목표들과 혼동된다.

 Societal goals and individual goals do not necessarily coincide.

 사회적 목표들과 개인적 목표들은 반드시 일치하지는 않는다.

 For example, the policy goal behind ISA (Intelligent Speed Adaptation; a system which warns the drivers when they exceed the speed limit, and may even prevent them from doing so) could be to increase traffic safety or to increase speed limit compliance.

 예를 들어, ISA(지능형 속도 적응 시스템,  운전자들이 제한 속도를 초과할  그들에게 경고하고 심지어 그들이 그렇게 하는 것을 방지할  있는 시스템) 뒤에 있는 정책 목표는 교통안전을 증진하거나 제한 속도 준수를 증진하는 것일  있다.

 These goals might not be relevant to some drivers, for example, due to their feeling that safety measures are redundant because of their own personal driving skills or because speeding is not seen as a 'real crime.'

 이러한 목표들은 일부 운전자들에게는 관련이 없을  있는데, 예를 들어, 그들 자신의 개인적인 운전 기술 때문에 안전 조치가 불필요하다는 그들의 느낌 때문에 혹은 속도위반이 '진짜 범죄' 보이지 않기 때문이다.

 Nevertheless, they might find that the system helps them to avoid speeding tickets or they want to use the system simply because they have a general interest in innovative systems.

 그럼에도 불구하고, 그들은  시스템이 속도위반 딱지를 피하는 것을 도와준다는 것을 알게  수도 있고 혹은 단순히 그들이 혁신적인 시스템에 대한 일반적인 관심을 가졌기 때문에 그들은  시스템을 사용하고 싶어 한다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 36: 나이가 들면서 비언어적 감정 신호를 감지하는 능력이 약해지는 현상

 From infancy, even before we learn to speak, we absorb how to infer people's emotions from their behaviors.

 유아기부터, 심지어 우리가 말하는 것을 배우기 전에, 우리는 어떻게 사람들의 감정들을 그들의 행동으로부터 추론하는지를 흡수한다.

 As we grow older, however, this capacity can atrophy.

 하지만, 우리가 나이가 들면서  능력은 쇠퇴할  있다.

 We start to pay increasing attention to what people say rather than what they do, to the point where we can fail to notice nonlinguistic clues.

 우리는 사람들이 무엇을 하는지보다 무엇을 말하는지에 점점  느는 주의를 기울이기 시작하여, 비언어적인 단서들을 알아차리지 못하는 정도에 이른다.

 Spoken language is so information rich that it lulls us into ignoring hints that someone might be, say, upset and instead focus on their words when they say, It's nothing. I feel fine.

 구어는 정보가 매우 풍부해서 그것은 누군가가, 예를 들어, 화가 났을  있다는 힌트들을 우리가 무시하게 하고 그들이 '아무것도 아니야. 나는 괜찮아.'라고 말할  그들의 말에 대신 집중한다.

 Some people, however, have a talent for detecting emotions, even when they're unspoken.

 하지만, 어떤 사람들은 심지어 그것들이  밖에 내어지지 않을 때도 감정들을 감지하는 재능을 가지고 있다.

 We all know people like this: Friends who seem to intuit when we're feeling down, even if we haven't said anything; managers who sense when a kind word is needed to help us get over the hump at work.

 우리 모두는 이와 같은 사람들(우리가 어떤 것도 말하지 않았더라도 우리가 마음이 울적한 때를 직관으로 아는 것처럼 보이는 친구들, 우리가 직장에서 고비를 넘기는 것을 돕기 위해 친절한 말이 필요한 때를 감지하는 매니저들) 안다.

 It's natural to assume these people are unusually observant, or uncommonly sensitive.

 이러한 사람들이 대단히 관찰력이 있거나, 굉장히 세심하다고 추측하는 것은 당연하다.

 Sometimes they are.

 때때로 그들은 그러하다.

 But years of research indicates this is a skill anyone can develop.

 하지만 수년간의 연구는 이것이 누구나 계발할  있는 기술이라는 것을 보여 준다.

 We can learn to identify the nonverbal clues that indicate someone's true emotions and use these hints to understand what they are feeling.

 우리는 누군가의 진짜 감정들을 보여 주는 비언어적 단서들을 알아보는 것을 배울  있고  힌트들을 사용하여 그들이 무엇을 느끼고 있는지 이해할  있다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 37: 우리가 아는 것과 모르는 것에 대한 인식 감정 설명

 Some epistemic feelings let us know that we know.

 어떤 인식론적 느낌들은 우리에게 우리가 안다는 것을 알게 한다.

 These include the feeling of knowing, the feeling of certainty, and the feeling of correctness.

 이것들은 안다는 느낌, 확신의 느낌, 그리고 정확함의 느낌을 포함한다.

 For example, you feel sure that "1666" is the answer to the question, "When did the Great Fire of London occur?"

 예를 들어, 여러분은 "런던 대화재는 언제 발생했습니까?"라는 질문에 '1666' 답이라고 확신한다.

 Feeling that you know, even that you are sure, is not unfailing.

 여러분이 안다고, 심지어 확신한다고, 느끼는 것이 언제나 변함없는 것은 아니다.

 We can be mistaken in those feelings.

 우리는 그런 느낌들에서 잘못 알고 있을  있다.

 Other epistemic feelings alert our attention to what we do not yet know.

 다른 인식론적 느낌들은 우리가 아직 알지 못하는 것에 우리의 주의를 환기시킨다.

 Curiosity, awe, and wonder fall into this category.

 호기심, 경외감, 그리고 놀라움이  범주에 속한다.

 As with the feelings of knowing, we can ask whether feelings of not-yet-knowing are necessarily right.

 안다는 느낌들에  그렇듯이 우리는 아직 알지 못한다는 느낌들이 반드시 맞는지 물을  있다.

 It does seem that if you wonder at something, there is something that prompted you to wonder.

 여러분이 무언가를 궁금해 한다면 여러분을 궁금해하게  무언가가 정말로 있는 것처럼 보인다.

 This feeling alerts you to the fact that your current body of knowledge ─ the schemas, heuristics, and other information you use ─ did not prepare you for the thing you wonder at.

  느낌은 여러분에게 여러분의 현재 지식 체계,  스키마, 휴리스틱, 그리고 여러분이 사용하는 다른 정보가 여러분이 궁금해하는 것에 대해 여러분을 준비시키지 않았다는 사실에 주의를 환기시킨다.

 As such, wonder is a useful emotion, because it points to gaps in what you thought you knew.

 이처럼 놀라움은 유용한 감정인데 그것은 여러분이 알고 있었다고 생각했던 것에  곳을 가리키기 때문이다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 38: 기억이 왜곡되는 이유와 이것이 뉴스 인식에 미치는 영향

 Memory often plays tricks.

 기억은 흔히 속임수를 쓴다.

 According to Mlodinow, we give "unwarranted importance to memories that are the most vivid and hence most available for retrieval ─ our memory makes it easy to remember the events that are unusual and striking not the many events that are normal and dull."

 Mlodinow 따르면, 우리는 '가장 생생하고, 따라서 불러오기에 가장 용이한 기억들에 부당한 중요성' 부여한다. '우리의 기억은 평범하고 지루한 많은 사건들이 아니라, 색다르고 인상적인 사건들을 기억하는 것을 쉽게 만든다.'

 The self-serving bias works because, as Trivers observes, "There are also many processes of memory that can be biased to produce welcome results. Memories are continually distorting in self-serving ways."

 자기 잇속만 차리는 편향이 작용하는데, Trivers 논평하듯이, '기꺼이 받아들여지는 결과를 산출하도록 편향될  있는 많은 기억의 과정들이 또한 있으며, 기억들은 계속해서 자기 잇속만 차리는 방식으로 왜곡되고 있기' 때문이다.

 A recent study argues that several forms of cognitive bias cause distortions in storing and retrieving memories.

 최근  연구는 인지적인 편향의 몇몇 형태가 기억들을 저장하고 불러오는  왜곡을 일으킨다고 주장한다.

 This, in turn, has a bearing on theories of agenda setting, priming, and framing, which argue that how people respond to the news is strongly influenced by what is most easily and readily accessible from their memories.

 이것은, 결국, 의제를 정하고, 준비하고, 구성하는 이론들에 영향을 미치는데, 이것들은 어떻게 사람들이 뉴스에 반응하는가가 그들의 기억들로부터 가장 쉽게 그리고 즉시 접근 가능한 것에 의해 강력하게 영향을 받는다고 주장한다.

 But what if memories about news stories are faulty and distort, forget, or invent what was actually reported?

 하지만 만약 뉴스 기사에 대한 기억들이 불완전하고, 실제로 보도되었던 것을 왜곡하거나, 빠뜨리거나, (사실이 아닌 것으로) 지어낸다면 어떠한가?

 In such cases, it may be the manipulation of memories in individual minds that primes, frames, and sets the agenda, not the original news stories.

 그러한 경우에는, 의제를 준비하고, 구성하고, 정하는 것은 원래의 뉴스 기사가 아니라 개인의 머릿속 기억들의 조작일 수도 있다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 39: 차별 방정식 대신 간단한 신체 동작을 통해 공을 잡는 방법

 One way to catch a fly ball is to solve all the differential equations governing the ball's trajectory as well as your own movements and at the same time reposition your body based on those solutions.

 높이  공을 잡는  가지 방법은 여러분 자신의 움직임뿐만 아니라  공의 궤적을 지배하는 모든 미분 방정식을 풀고, 동시에  해법에 따라 여러분의 몸의 위치를 움직이는 것이다.

 Unfortunately, you don't have a differential equation-solving device in your brain, so instead you solve a simpler problem: how to place the glove most effectively between the ball and your body.

 불행히도, 여러분은 여러분의 뇌에 미분 방정식을 푸는 장치가 없어서, 대신 여러분은  간단한 문제(어떻게  공과 여러분의  사이에 글러브를 가장 효과적으로 위치시킬지) 푼다.

 The cerebellum assumes that your hand and the ball should appear in similar relative positions for each catch.

 소뇌는 여러분의 손과  공이  포구(捕球)마다 비슷한 상대적 위치에 나타나야 한다고 가정한다.

 So, if the ball is dropping too fast and your hand appears to be going too slowly, it will direct your hand to move more quickly to match the familiar relative position.

 그래서, 공이 너무 빠르게 떨어지고 있고 여러분의 손이 너무 느리게 움직이고 있는 것처럼 보이면, 그것은 여러분의 손을  빠르게 움직여 익숙한 상대적 위치에 맞추도록 지시할 것이다.

 These simple actions by the cerebellum to map sensory inputs onto muscle movements enable us to catch the ball without solving any differential equations.

 감각 입력을 근육 움직임에 연결시키는 소뇌에 의한 이러한 간단한 행동들은 우리가  어떤 미분 방정식도 풀지 않고 공을 잡을  있게 한다.

 We are also able to use the cerebellum to anticipate what our actions would be even if we don't actually take them.

 우리는 또한 우리의 행동들이 무엇일지 예측하는 데에 소뇌를 사용할  있는데 설령 우리가 그것들을 실제로 하지 않아도 그러하다.

 Your cerebellum might tell you that you could catch the ball but you're likely to crash into another player, so maybe you should not take this action.

 여러분의 소뇌는 여러분이 공을 잡을 수는 있지만  다른 선수와 충돌할 가능성이 있다는 것을 알려줄 수도 있고, 그러면 여러분은  행동을 하지 않는 편이 좋을지도 모른다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 40: 시의 불가역적 형식이 철학적 탐구에 미치는 영향 설명

 Philosophical interest in poetry has been dominated by the question of whether poetry can aid philosophical thought and promote philosophical inquiry.

 시에 대한 철학적 관심은 시가 철학적 사고를 돕고 철학적 탐구를 촉진할  있는지에 대한 질문에 의해 지배되어 왔다.

 This focus reflects a tradition of philosophers like Pope and Rumi presenting their philosophical work in verse.

  초점은 Pope Rumi 같은 철학자들이 자신의 철학적 작품을 운문으로 나타내는 전통을 반영한다.

 In addition, poets like William Wordsworth and T. S. Eliot have been celebrated as poet-philosophers, with their work valued as the product of philosophy through poetry.

 게다가, William Wordsworth T. S. Eliot 같은 시인들은 그들의 작품이 시를 통한 철학의 산물로 높이 평가받으며 시인철학자로서 찬사를 받아 왔다.

 However, arguments against poetry having a role to play in philosophical inquiry have tended to focus on poetry's (negative) relationship to truth (or, as John Koethe puts it, poetry's indifference to truth).

 그러나 시가 철학적 탐구에서 맡은 역할을 가지고 있다는 것에 반하는 주장들은 시와 진실 간의 (부정적) 관계(, John Koethe 표현하듯, 진실에 대한 시의 무관심) 집중해  경향이 있다.

 Although we may accept works of poetry as having philosophical themes, this does not amount to doing philosophy through poetry.

 우리는  작품들이 철학적 주제를 갖는 것으로 받아들일 수도 있지만, 이것은 철학을 시를 통해 하는 것과 마찬가지는 아니다.

 One such argument hinges on the non-paraphrasability of poetry and form-content unity.

 그러한 하나의 주장은 시의 다른 말로 바꾸어 표현할  없음과 형식 내용의 통일성 여하에 달려 있다.

 The thought goes, if poetry is to play a role in philosophy, then it needs to be paraphrasable (that is, its content must be separable from its form).

  생각은 만약 시가 철학에서 역할을 하려면, 그것은 다른 말로 바꾸어 표현할  있어야 한다는 (, 그것의 내용은 그것의 형식으로부터 반드시 분리될  있어야 한다)으로 이어진다.

 The assumption is that paraphrase is a mark of understanding and indicates that some proposition has a fixed meaning and that only a proposition with a fixed meaning can be evaluated in terms of truth or falsity.

  가정은 다른 말로 바꾸어 표현하는 것이 이해의 표시이며 어떤 명제가 고정된 의미를 지닌다는 것과 고정된 의미를 지닌 명제만이 진실 혹은 거짓이라는 면에서 평가될  있다는 것을 보여 준다.

 Poetry resists paraphrase: to change the words is to change the poem.

 시는 다른 말로 바꾸어 표현하는 것에 저항한다. 단어를 바꾸는 것은 시를 바꾸는 것이다.

 [Summary] Some believe in the ability of poetry to convey philosophy, but for others, its resistance to paraphrasing restricts its philosophical role.

 [Summary] 일부 사람들은 철학을 전달하는 시의 능력을 믿는데, 다른 사람들에게는, 그것의 다른 말로 바꾸어 표현하는 것에 대한 저항이 그것의 철학적 역할을 제한한다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 41~42: 앵무새의 소리와 돌에 새겨진 문양이 의미를 가질  없는 이유

 Vocal sounds produced by parrots, regardless of the fact that they may be audibly indistinguishable from spoken words and regardless of the fact that someone or some group of people may take them to be words, are not words.

 앵무새가 내는 목소리는, 그것이 들리기에는 소리내어진 말과 구별되지 않을 수도 있다는, 그리고 누군가 또는 어떤 사람들의 집단이 그것들을 말이라고 여길 수도 있다는 사실에도 불구하고, 말이 아니다.

 They are not given a semantic dimension by physical similitude to spoken words.

 그것들은 소리내어진 말과의 물리적 유사성으로 의미론적 차원이 주어지지 않는다.

 Nor can the "talk" of a parrot be given a semantic dimension by being taken to be a set of linguistic acts.

 앵무새의 '' 일련의 언어적 행위로 여겨지는 것으로도 의미론적 차원이 주어질  없다.

 In like manner, weather etchings on a stone or shapes in the clouds, regardless of how physically similar they may be to written words or drawings of objects and regardless of what they are taken to be by observers, are not words or pictures.

 마찬가지로, 돌에 있는 날씨 식각(날씨로 인해 새겨진 형상) 혹은 구름의 모양들은, 그들이 쓰여진 말이나 사물의 그림들과 물리적으로 얼마나 비슷한지와 관계없이 그리고 그들이 관찰자들에 의해 무엇으로 여겨질지와 관계없이, 말이나 그림이 아니다.

 They do not have the appropriate etiology and they have no inherent semantic content or object.

 그것들에는 적절한 원인의 추구가 없고, 그것들은 내재된 의미론적 내용이나 대상도 없다.

 They are simply physical objects that resemble certain other things.

 그것들은 단순히 특정한 다른 것들을 닮은 물리적 사물일 뿐이다.

 For observers, they may call to mind the things they resemble.

 관찰자들에게, 그것들은 그들이 닮은 사물들을 상기시킬 수도 있다.

 In this regard, they may function as natural signs by virtue of the physical resemblance, but they have no semantic content about which one could be right or wrong.

 이런 점에서, 그것들은 물리적 유사성 덕분에 자연적 기호로 기능할 수도 있지만, 그것들은 어떤 것이 옳거나 그를  있다는 것에 대한 의미론적 내용을 가지지 않는다.

 If people take A to be a sign of B by virtue of some nonsemantic relation that holds, or is believed to hold, between A and B, A is a sign of B.

 만약 사람들이 'A' 'B' 사이에 있는, 혹은 있다고 여겨지는, 어떤 비의미론적 연관성 덕분에 'A' 'B' 기호로 받아들인다면, 'A' 'B' 기호이다.

 But words, pictures, and images are not that way.

 하지만, , 사진, 그림은 그런 식이 아니다.

 

 

 They contain a semantic content to be understood.

 그것들은 이해되어야  의미론적 내용을 가진다.

 

[3] 2024 10 – 43~45: 눈사람과 토끼의 교환과 우정 이야기

 One frosty morning, a rabbit was jumping about on a hill.

 어느 서리가 내린 아침, 토끼  마리가 언덕에서 뛰어 돌아다니고 있었다.

 There stood a snowman which had been made by some children.

 그곳에는 어떤 아이들이 만든 눈사람이  있었다.

 He had a broom in his hand and a carrot nose.

 그는 그의 손에 빗자루, 그리고 당근 코를 가지고 있었다.

 The rabbit saw the carrot and swallowed hard.

 토끼는 당근을 보고 침을 삼켰다.

 "I will have a delicious breakfast," he thought and jumped up, reaching out for the snowman's nose.

 그는 '나는 맛있는 아침을 먹을 거야,'라고 생각하고 뛰어올라, 눈사람의 코로 손을 뻗었다.

 But before the rabbit even touched him, something hit him hard.

 그러나 토끼가 심지어 그에게 닿기도 전에, 무언가가 그를 강하게 때렸다.

 "Go Away!" the snowman threatened him with his great broom.

 "저리 !" 눈사람이 그의 커다란 빗자루로 그를 위협했다.

 "Sorry, Mr. Snowman, I just..." murmured the rabbit.

 "미안해요, 눈사람 , 나는 그냥...." 토끼가 웅얼거렸다.

 "You wanted to eat my nose!," he shouted.

 "너는  코를 먹고 싶어 했어!"라고 그가 소리쳤다.

 "I was so hungry and it looked so tasty," apologized the rabbit.

 " 너무 배가 고팠고 그것은 너무 맛있어 보였어요,"라고 토끼가 사과했다.

 The snowman thought for a moment.

 눈사람은 잠시 생각해 보았다.

 "Hmm... Here, I am bored by myself.

 "..., 여기에서, 나는 혼자서 지루해.

 I would like to go to the village where the children are.

 나는  아이들이 있는 마을에 가고 싶어.

 If you take me there, I'll give you my carrot," said the snowman.

 만약 나를 거기로 데려가 준다면, 나는 너에게  당근을 줄게,"라고 눈사람이 말했다.

 Excited by the offer, the rabbit told the snowman to wait and disappeared.

  제안에 신이 나서, 토끼는 눈사람에게 기다리라고 말하고 사라졌다.

 He returned shortly, dragging a sled and said to the snowman, "Let's go!"

 그는 썰매를 끌며  돌아왔고 눈사람에게 말했다. "갑시다!"

 The sled ran smoothly over the snow.

 썰매는  위를 부드럽게 달렸다.

 The snowman with joy waved his broom.

 눈사람은 기쁨에 자신의 빗자루를 흔들었다.

 After a while, they arrived in the middle of the village.

 얼마 후에, 그들은 마을 가운데에 도착했다.

 "Here we are," said the rabbit.

 " 왔어요,"라고 토끼가 말했다.

 "Thank you. Here's the carrot," said the snowman, giving him his carrot.

 "고마워. , 당근이야," 눈사람은 그에게 자신의 당근을 주면서 말했다.

 The rabbit hesitated for a moment.

 토끼는 잠시 망설였다.

 "Come on, take it. I have a feeling that I'll get a new one," urged the snowman.

 ", 가져가. 나는 새로운 것을 얻을 거라는 느낌이 들어,"라고 눈사람이 재촉했다.

 He finally accepted the carrot and leapt back into the woods.

 그는 마침내 당근을 받았고 숲속으로 껑충 뛰어 들어갔다.

 Not long after, the children gathered around the snowman.

 얼마 지나지 않아서, 아이들은 눈사람 주변으로 모였다.

 Noticing that he had no nose, they gave him a fresh carrot.

 그에게 코가 없다는 것을 알아차리자, 그들은 그에게 싱싱한 당근을 주었다.

 From that time on, the snowman stood in the middle of the village, with a broom in his hand and a marvelous new carrot nose.

 그때부터, 눈사람은 마을 가운데에서, 그의 손에 빗자루, 그리고 멋진  당근 코를 가지고  있었다.

 

+ Recent posts